Comparative Lexemes in selected Sino-Tibetan languages

Map of the Sino-Tibetan languages

Vietnamese       Chinese
What Makes Chinese so Vietnamese?

An Introduction to Sinitic-Vietnamese Studies

(Ýthức mới về nguồngốc tiếngViệt)

DRAFT
Table of Contents

dchph

 

Chapter Ten

X) Parallels with the Sino-Tibetan languages

As we move on, what we are going to explore further would go beyond imagination of many Mon-Khmer specialists. Shortcomings of most of their argumentation and analysis lie in the fact that they mainly relied on local informants – read 'tourguides' – but those are common practices utilized by Indo-European structuralists up until the late 1980's. Did those Mon-Khmer specialists claim their local informants know Vietnamese and one or more Mon-Khmer languages well enough academically? Besides their methodology, many come from certain schools and they practice being the faithfuls, such as "Bloomfieldianists", mechanically, in the field of "linguistic mentalism", who were in effect equipped only with "mentalist substance" as linguistic tools, say, comparative analysis or analogy. That is to say, their previous work were results of reasoning, solely theoretically. The whole business apparently shows that their sole reliance on comparative and analytic linguistic tools left some loopholes as we will have seen along the way by the end of this survey.

Our Vietnamese specialists of the late generations have done the same thing on the well-defined Mon-Khmer framework laid out by their predecessors. They, in effect, usually started with pre-existing data, as have been quoted in the previous section, which serve as their springboard, for which our Mon-Khmer specialsts seem to be more prone to wrong references and errors, such as misspellings or misquotings that pop up in their works here and there that are usually marked with "(?)" or "[sic]" within this survey. On the surface, comparatively, it appears that the author of this paper may have made the same errors because of his ignorance of non-Sinitic Sino-Tibetan languages. Admittedly, I, the author of this work, have to put my trust on Shafer's data. If any of his data is wrong then my quotes from his are wrong, too

Similar phenomenon appeared before in the past with other linguists in Vietnamese quoted Haudricourt and Maspero, that commonly came with mispellings, speculative words solely based the close sound and vocables, errors in linguistic categories such as grouping into Sinitic-Vietnamese etyma into Sinitic-Vietnamese class, etc., such as, Haudricourt's Chin. 賊 dzək (M zéi), SV 'tặc' for VS 'giặc', or 墓 mù for SV "mộ" vs. VS "mồ", 案 àn for VS 'bàn' (table) vs. 盤 pán ~ SV 'bàn' for VS 'mâm' (tray), and other unclear lexicons 'mang, bang, muong' (bamboo screen) for 'mùng' (mosquito net), 網 wăng (SV 'võng'), perhaps? That is, their misuse Sinitic-Vietnamese for Sino-Vietnamese word and vice versa, or tonally semantic sidtinctiveness to differentiate lexical meanings go unnoticed; however, for those widely quoted Mon-Khmer fundamental words I shall attempt to re-package them by placing them under the new Sino-Tibetan periscope with the new Sinitic-Vietnamese perspective in which I feel much more confident as I have found positve results, and at the same time, I challenge anybody can find long list of 400 Mon-Khmer cognates with Vietnamese words as in the cases of those basic words as follows. Unlike those mistakes made by former pioneers, possible Shafer's Sino-Tibetan mistakes could be diminutive because most quoted words were simply transliterations of related sounds only, the latter quotes, which were directly from modern Vietnamese orthorgraphy,

A) Sino-Tibetan etymologies

Figure 10.1 – Sino-Tibetan with six divisions

Source: Robert Shafer, 1966, p.VII.

Figure 10.2 – Map of Sino-Tibetan languages
Source: http://upload.wikipedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/89/Sino-tibetan_languages.png

Back to top

Sole binary comparison methodology is only set on paired languages, either between Chinese and Vietnamese or Austroasiatic and Vietnamese, hence, Mon-Khmer and Vietnamese. Texonomically, languages are interconnected, especially within a region, continent, even the whole hemisphere, which is framed into a historical timeline. So said, such binary approach has never been never enough for the purpose of finding fundamental cognates and their etymological roots. Meritt Ruhlen (1994) proved this point in his book entitled On the Origin of Languages: Studies in Linguistic Taxonomy. That is why all relevant Sino-Tibetan etymologies are presented next to partake in cross-language comparative listings as shown in the foregoing chapters. We will explore further those Vietnamese vocabularies that appear to be cognate to those etyma belong to several Sino-Tibetan languages in all six linguistic divisions. As the reader will see, the results are amazing and they will undoubtedly help identify Sino-Tibetan roots buried in their deep substrata that had never been discussed as late as I started publishing this research on the internet in the early of the 21st century.

The cited following listings, as previously foresaid, are mainly based on Introduction to Sino-Tibetan by Robert Shafer, 1966-1974 (4 volumes).

Per Shafer (1966, p. I), there are four great literary Sino-Tibetan languages: Chinese, Siamese, Burmese, and Tibetan (or Bodish, since Bod (百) is the native name for Tibet) with more than 400 Sino-Tibetan languages in six linguistic divisions, that is, Sinitic (Chinese), Daic (Thai), Bodic (Tibetan, including Old Bodish or classical Tibetan, etc.), Burmic (Burmese, including Kukish languages – Indo-Burmese frontier regions – etc.), Baric (Bodo, etc.), and Karenic (Karen). "A third of the population of the globe speaks one or more of these languages" and "Sino-Tibet speakers occupy and area extending from the Great Wall of China to the Malay Pennisula and from the Kashmir to the Yellow Sea."

Terminologically, '-an' indicates a linguistic family while '-ic' signifies a main division – hence, in my paper, Sinitic-Vietnamese gets its term herein as traditionally grouped for their etymological class but it is still short of finalization by the linguistic world, as it is not intended specifically, to prove genetic connection, just like those compound Sino-Daic, Sino-Bodic, etc., used in Shafer's work, but only for group classification terminologically – and '-ish' or '-ese' denotes a section of main division.

Regarding to the matter of polysyllabicity in Sino-Tibetan languages the author indicated that suffixes are syllables added to a noun, pronoun, or verb and that some of them, such as Kukish, have dissyllabic and even trisyllabic words in their primitive state. Methodologically, in Shafer's words:

"We must also take environmental phonetics into greater consideration than in most families. And this calls into question the rule – laid down by Antoinne Meillet, I believe – that we must have at least three examples to rule out the possibilitiy of accidental resemblance. But, after collecting four or five examples so that a positional equation is established, one may run across a sixth which does not strictly conform. When, as in Central Core Kurkish languages, one can often get twenty examples, one is almost certain to prove an exception. Frequently enough exceptions show up so that the environmental equation can be formulated." (p. 13)

When working with those genetically-affiliated languages, Shafer notes that their loanwords borrowed from each other are very difficult to recognize while, naturally, recognition of foreign-origin borrowings is much easier in unrelated languages (p. 128). For any language sometimes it does borrow a word it already has and some words might have been borrowed long ago in the remote past so that mostly they have likely undergone typical phonetic shifts (p. 132). What Shafer referred to was about Sino-Tibetan linguistic family but that is equally true in the cases of Vietnamese and Chinese as well. Many of them might be no longer found or in existence in its original forms and meaning in Chinese, yet their etymological imprints are obvious. For such reason, to avoid being crowded with the listings in this paper exceptions are deemed irrelevant and dropped from inclusion thereof.

If you are with the Sino-Tibetan school, you must carefully examine this list of Sino-Tibetan etymologies. Meanwhile, specialists in the Mon-Khmer camp also need to take a note, but oftentimes the majority of them will undoubtedly choose to ignore this advice because it will put grains of sand in their assaulting shoes. With this list, however, you are one among those first readers to evaluate the validity of the Sino-Tibetan listings instead of all the old Mon-Khmer wordlists sampled in the previous chapter. In any cases you will be the judge to reach the final verdict to determine whether or not most of more than 400 items in the Sino-Tibetan listings are related to those suggested Sinitic-Vietnamese etyma, many much closer to Chinese than even those Sino-Tibetan languages themselves, amusingly.

NOTES:

For phonetic symbols used throughout in this Sino-Tibetan chapter as listed below, due to typographical difficulties, I will try to match symbols, phonetically, utilized by Shafer with those of IPA with some accent marks and tonal indication being dropped or changed, very few of them though, which may unavoidably introduce errors into phonetic transcriptions and reconstructions here and there in those phonetically transcribed etyma that appear herein with what actually meant by the author in his survey. In any cases, readers will unmistakenly recognize the phonetic forms that underline plausibility of the cognates listed in those languages under examination.

At the same time, as said, cognate forms will be selectively chosen, i.e., exclusion of those exceptions forementioned – since many 'irregular' forms, even though they were truly cognate to each other in a correlated chain running across so many dialects and languages, in both time and space, in such a way that they appear totally different from a Vietnamese form – to avoid unnecessary distraction and confusion, especially to untrained eyes. For the same reason, characteristically, some items may repeat themselves in more than one citation because their etymologies crisscross different linguistic divisions and branches in all ST languages that will serve as etymologically routing bridges.

Whenever appropriate, in addition to the Chinese forms cited by Shafer (in the second column), with some citations noted by the author as taken from Haudricourt, they were of a slightly modified version from the work Grammatica Serica on Archaic Chinese by Bernhard Karlgren. For all of them, I shall selectively annotate with additional modern Putonghua pinyin, e.g. M(andarin) diān for 顛, and add Chinese characters where applicable (in the last column), and put on some annotation for those cited Chinese etyma which are missing in Shafer's list if needed for clarification and emphasis on Chinese ~ Vietnamese cognates, for instance, {中 zhòng} for the Vietnamese 'trúng' or { 爬 pá } (see 'bò'), etc.

Besides, with the Daic forms for which Shafer utilizes data compiled by Haudricourt, even though many of them are obviously cognate to Sino-Vietnamese (SV) and portions of the Sintitic-Vietnamese (VS) etyma that are regarded as Chinese (C) loans, their Chinese forms are included here for the sake of clarification. The whole picture also exposes an interesting fact that the amount of basic Chinese cognates with those of many Daic languages as listed ere is even less than those Chinese basic forms identified and posited in Vietnamese. Simply such a fact calls into the question has been long posed by several Sinitic-Vietnamese historical linguists that the Daic-Vietnamese list were merely originated or loaned from Daic, for which they are in effect either Chinese ~ Vietnamese or Old-Chinese (OC) ~ proto-Vietic. Therefore, for those Chinese entries originally cited by Haudricourt from the Daic division with both the Chinese and other Sino-Tibetan forms being listed side by side, if they obviously appear cognate, elaborations on the posited originated or etyma may be either or omitted to avoid repetition or, if necessary, re-emphasized even though postulations of those Chinese etyma have been previously elaborated in my annotations in detail elsewhere in this paper, for example,

châm	to light (fire)	**** M diăn 點 tem-, Lao tām/ (p. 15)	**** { 點 diăn }
thẹn	be ashamed	**** M cán 慚 dzām-, OB ãdzoms (p. 15)	**** { 慚 cán }
mắng	reprimand	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Lao hmāŋ, Ahom, Tay Noir māń, Dioi mań (p. 474)	**** { 罵 mà }

For those Chinese ~ Vietnamese cognates found in Shafer's list of which the Chinese etyma are missing here, search my Từnguyên HánNôm for reference.

Convention: Shafer's phonetic symbols

(for a complete reference see Shafer 1966, p. IV)

		Stops		¯¯		Continuants
	?	unasp.	surd asp.	sonant	nasal	surd fric.	sonant fric.
gutturals		k	kʿ	g	ŋ	x	ɣ
palatals		tś	tśʿ	dź	ń (ŋ)	ś	ź
cerebrals		ţ	ţʿ	ɖ	ņ	ʂ	ʐ
dentals	t	t	tʿ	d	n	θ
labials	p	p	tʿ	b	m	f	v
Note: k', t'... palatalized k, t, etc. ɫ, surd l ê, â... mixed vowels approximately in the oral position of e, a, etc ʾa,ʾi... glottal opening ʔa, ʔi... aʾ, iʾ... glottal stop aʔ, iʔ, etc. e, o open e, o @ = /ɔ:/ English 'awe', Kukish @ is long ŕ (tongue tip ?) trilled r (n) a letter in parentheses indicates it is indistinctly spoken Tone marks: x/ rising; x- level, x_ low level, xˉ high level, x¯ higher than usual high level; x\ falling; x^ rising-falling (circumflex) numbers in the end of a native form, as han1, are the tones as numbered in Siamese written language (Daic xʾ = S. tone 1, ʾx = S. tone 2, ,x = S. level tone not marked in writing) Daic ń=ŋ Daic ? = glottal stop ʔ Kukish and Daic: ě, ǒ are closed; ē, ō are open r1, r2 have different phonetic developments in Kurkish languages or dialects l1, l2, l3, l4 have different phonetic reactions in Baric, X, any unaspirated surd occlusive, or an undetermined unaspirated surd occlusive, Xʿ, any aspirated occlusive, or an undetermined aspirated occlusive, ..., etc.

Figure 10.3 – Comparative lexemes in Sinitic, Bodic, Daic, and Burmic languages:

(against other Sino-Tibetan languages and dialects in all divisions and their branches)

Linguistic group names to follow after this double vertical bar || with pp. to indicate the pages where items are cited throughout Parts 1-5 in Shafer volumes 1966, 1967, 1968, 1970, 1974, respectively. || Stars rated from * to ****** are to indicate the degrees of cognateness of Vietnamese words with those of Sino-Tibetan etymologies, such as [ ****** M shì 市 źi/, Middle Burmese dźʿe\, Old Bodish rdźʿe 'barter' (p.14) || Burmish M Bur. dźʿe\, Lolo Ahi tśʿə\, Nyi kʿə\, Lolopho tśʿə¯ (p. 367) || ****** { 市 shì }" for VS "chợ". ] (It is noted that many a time there are Sino-Tibetan ~ Vietnamese cognates in the column "Tibetan etymologies" marked with ***** but in "Ratings on Chinese cognates" they are rated with only **, and vice versa, e.g., ** { 舌 shé } for V 'lưỡi' (tongue) but **** { 脷 lěi } (SV 'lợi') for VS ‘lưỡi’ \ Cant. /lei2/, are plausible. That is to say, the * to ****** for the Sino-Tibetan ~ Vietnamese vs. Chinese ~ Vietnamese cognates are rated independently.

Vietnamese	English translation	Tibetan etymologies	* Ratings on Chinese cognates
ngẫm, gẫm	think	**** M rèn 恁 nyam\, Old Bodish snyam (p.14 to start in Shafer 1966, Part 1, where Sinitic Division is listed)	**** { 恁 rèn } SV 'nhậm' and 'nhẫm'
sọ	skull bone	**** M lǒu 髏 lu-, Dimasa lao-kʿroi 'skull' (p.14)	**** { 髏 lǒu } SV 'lâu' as in 髑髏 dúlǒu (VS đầulâu)
chợ	market	****** M shì 市 źi/, Middle Burmese dźʿe\, Old Bodish rdźʿe 'barter' (p.14) || Burmish M Bur. dźʿe\, Lolo Ahi tśʿə\, Nyi kʿə\, Lolopho tśʿə¯ (p. 367)	****** { 市 shì } SV 'thị'
nhổ	spittle	**** M tù 吐 tʿo\ to spit out, OB tʿu, tʿo-le (p.14)	****** { 吐 tù } SV 'thổ'
rẫy	plowland	*** M mǔ 畝 mu/, OB rmo 'to plough' (p.14), Old Kukish *lo\, Luśei lo, Meithlei lau\ (p. 280) | Also, 'cultivation, jhum-field': Old Kukish *rītʾ, Luśei rītʾ, Mikir rit (p. 278), 'field' Maring, Khunggoi lau, Ukhrul lui, Phadang leou (p. 311)	** { 畝 mǔ } mu, in modern usage, a unit of area (=0.0667 hectares)
châm	to light (fire)	**** M diăn 點 tem-, Lao tām/ (p. 15)	**** { 點 diăn } SV 'điểm'
thẹn	be ashamed	**** M cán 慚 dzām-, OB ãdzoms (p. 15)	**** { 慚 cán } SV 'tàm', also, VS 'sượng'
trong	middle	**** OB kloń, Siamese klāń (p. 15)	**** {中 zhōng}. The /kl-/ initial cluster appear to be common in both Sino-Tibetan and Austroasiatic Mon-Khmer languages. cf. V 'trăng', 'giăng', 'tháng'.
trăng, giăng, tháng	moon, month	*** M yuè 月 ńyɒt < *ŋ-lat, OB z-la-, zla-ba (M 月霸 yuèbà ?), Bur. la, Kukish (except Mikir) *kʿla, Mikir tśik-li < *tśik-kla, Rgya. tsi-le, Rawang śă-la (p. 19) || Other Bod. languages Tsangla la-nyi (p. 118), W. Himal. lang. Kukish S-kʿla, Bunan śrig, Bunan, Almora hla, Thebor la, Kanauri go-l-sań, Tśamba-Lahuli la-za (p. 138), Minor group Toţo ta-ri, Dhimal ta-li1 (p. 169), Southern Branch Kukish *S-kʿla, Luśei tʿla, Thado tʿla, Śiyang tʿa, Vuite Xa (p.247), Old Kukish Aimol, Langrong tʿa, Purum hla, Hrangkhong ta, Hallam tʿa, Biate -tʿa, Kolhreng tʿa, Kom, Tarao tʿla, Lamgang ƫʿa, Anal (si) ƫʿaʾ (p. 252), Kuki *S-kʿla, Tśiru ƫʿla (p. 262), Mara tʿla (p. 266), Luhupa Branch Kwoireng tśă-hyu, Khoirao lʿa (p. 301) | Burmish Bur. *hla, M Bur. lă, Lolo Phumoi la\, Akha la¯, Nyi tʿla-, Ahi hlo-, Lolopho hyo-, Phupha la (p. 366) | Baric Tipura tal, Bodo dān 'month', Metś dān (in compounds), Moran dan, Dimasa dain3, D daiń, B tain, Hojai deń, Dhimal tālǐ, Garo dźa, Abeng dźa-dźoń (p. 435, 443) || Comments: Shafer's comments on the medial -l- : 'As in Indo-European, medial l causes a good deal of difficulty in Sino-Tibetan because of its effect on preceding consonants. Old Bodish has only kl and bl. Luśei only tl and tʿl and some other Kurkish kl and kʿl. In Middle Burmese *-l- becomes -y- and only occasionally do we have *-l- preserved in an Old Burmese inscription. or in the Tavoy dilect.' (p. 423). With these implications we can equally apply them to the various Vietnamese forms of 'blời', 'blăng', 'trời', 'trăng', and 'giời', 'giăng'.	*** {月 yù } SV 'nguyệt'
gấu	bear	*** OB d-om, Bur. wam, Luśei vom, K. *Xwom (X is a guttural of unknown type), Mikir tʿo-wām (St.), Rawang tʿǒ-gǒyām, (i.e. tʿǒ-gǒām), Rgyarong (ti-)-gom (p. 19)	*** { 熊 xiōng }. See Starostin's elaboration on this etymon in previous section }.
lưỡi	tongue	** M shé 舌 dźīt < *ldźīt, OB ltśe, O Bur. m-lei, M Bur. hlya, Siamese lǐn2, Lao lǐn, Karen siń-let, Luśei, Aimol, Purum, Langrong lei, Hrangkhol me-le, Kolhreng -lei, Lamgang p-lei (pp.14, 25-27) || Archaic West. Bodish dialects Sbalti ltśe, Burig ltśeʾ (p. 80), OT Bod. lang. Tsangla le (118), West Himalayish languages Kukish m-lei, Buman hle, Thebor, Kanauri le (p. 136), Northern Assam Midźu mb-lai, b-lai (M) (p. 180), Southern Branch Kukish *m-lei, all languages Luśei, Thado, Ralte, Śiyang, Vuite lei (p. 248), Old Kukish Mara, Tlongsai pa-lei, Śandu pa-lai, Lailenpi -pəle(ị), Miran pəlị_, Lothu pəlị¯, Zotung la\ (p. 268), Hrangkhol me-le, Mikir de (p. 277), Meithlei kei (p. 280), Karenic Pwo pʿle2, Sgaw plē4, Bwe ple (p.416)	*** 舌 shé; **** for { 脷 lěi } SV 'lợi', VS ‘lưỡi’, Cant. /lei2/.
muối	salt	*** O Bur. *m-tś\, Bom mǐ-tśi, Kapwi tśi, Tśru mă-tśi, Aimol me-tśi, Hrangkhol mi-dźi, Kupome ma-tśew, Khunggoi ma-tśi (pp.14, 25-27) || 'saltpeter, niter, salt' : M xiāo 硝 sịau-, M Bur. śo-ra, Maru, Nung R. yam-sau, Katśin śau (p. 64), also as 'salt' Luhupa Branch Kukish m?-tśi\, Luśei tśi, Maring ma-tʿi, Khoibu mi-ti, Ukhrul mă-tśi, Phadang mă-tśé, Kupome ma-tśew, Khunggoi ma-tśi, Kwoireng mă-tai, Tśungli me-tse, Khri, Tengsa mă-tśi, Rengma tśe, Imemai ma-ti\, Tengima mě-tsa, Zumoni m-ti (p. 293)	**** { 硭 máng } (SV 'mang') ~ phonetic 亡 wáng (vong, vô) < MC mwaŋ < OC *maŋ. For ** { 灰 huī }, kuī (SV khôi, muội) | M 灰 huī, kuī < MC xuaj < OC *xwəj. Note: Based on the sounds of the Mon-Khmer languages, nevertheless, this etymon seems to agree with VS 'vôi' (lime), hence, where mountainous Mon-Khmer people used to extract salt from ashes in the old days. For 'diêm' * { 鹽 yán } (SV 'diêm'), in Vietnamese, the vocable also means 'gunpowder' like that of Burnmese. For * { 硝 xiāo }, also read qiào ~ phonetic M 肖 xiào, xiāo (SV 'tiếu', 'tiêu') < MC siaw < OC *siaw, which is less likely than 硭 máng (SV 'mang') for the VS 'muối' cognate. cf. 衁 huáng: VS 'máu' (blood)
liếm	lick	***** M tiăn 舔 Chin. /tʿem/, *lem/, OB lem- (W.) (The roots in W. Himalayish is, however, leb-; cf. Siamese lep 'to put out the tongue' ~ VS 'lè', 'thè' (put out the tongue). But, Bahing lyăm 'tongue', EE. Him. lěm. The Chin. form is based on Cant. lim/, Sino Annamese liếm (Emeneau)) (p. 66), all Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /lei/ (p. 252), Luhupa Branch Kuksih *m-liakʾ, Luśei liakʾ, Rong lyak (p. 317) | O Bur. *m-liakʾ, M Bur. lyak, Luśei liak, Lamgang p(i)-līk, Anal pi-līk, Kom ma-lẹk, Tśiru mẹ-lēk, Śo m-le-, Ukhrul -mă-lek, Rong lyak (pp. 25-27)	**** { 舔 tiăn } SV 'thiềm'. Also VS ‘nếm’ (taste)
nếm	taste	**** M tiăn 舔 Chin. tʿem/, Kukish *M-tem, Luśei tem (p. 48)	**** { 舔 tiăn } SV 'thiềm'. Also VS ‘liếm’ (lick)
lòng	heart	**** O Bur. *m-luń, Luśei luń, Aimol mu-luń, Purum, Langrong, Kolhreng -luń, Hrangkhol mi-luń, Khimi b-luń, N. Khami pă-lun, Maring, Phadang mă-luń, Tśngli, Mongsen -mu-luń (pp.14, 25-27) || OB m-luń, Southern Kukish Khimi b-luń (p. 207), Minbu lön (p. 222), Central Kukish Kukish *m-luń, Ngente, Haka luń (p. 230), Old Kukish Kuki *m-luń, Tśiru -mu-luń, Aimol -luń, Purum -luń-, Langrong luń, Hrangkhol mi-luń (p. 258), Luhupa Branch Rengma mioń, Zumoni me-lo, Tengima -mel-lu (p. 320)	**** { 心 xīn } (SV tâm), also, VS 'tim' (heart, blood-pumping organ)
đinh	nail	***** O Bur. *m-tin\, Bom -mi-ti, Tśiru mẹ-tịn, Kom ma-tịn, Khoirao mă-tin (pp.14, 25-27), OB sen-mo, M Bur. -śań\, Luśei tin (p. 68)	***** { 釘 dīng }. Also, VS 'đóng' (to nail) }
rắn	snake	**** O Bur. *p-r2ūl, M Bur. m-rwe, Luśei rūl, Pankhu (Le), Bandźogi (Le) m-rūl, Bom mă-rui, Kapwi mă-run, Aimol rul, Lamgang pa-rūl, Anal p-rul (pp.14, 25-27)	*** { 閩 mǐn } SV 'mẫn' (cf. 乙 yí: SV 'ất', also, modern M shé 蛇).
mối	white ant	**** O Bur. *m-kʿra\, M Bur. *m-kʿră, Tenggima mě-kʿrö (pp. 25-27) | Luhupa Branch *lei, Luśei lei-, Ukhrul, Kupome, Khunggoi lei-, Phadang lei-3 (p. 307)	**** { 蠡 lǐ }
bồcâu	dove	***** M báigē 白鴿 < gē 鴿 kǔ- 'pigeon, turtle-dove, O Bur. *m-kʿrui\, M Bur. kʿrui, Kukish m-kʿru, S. Khami mă-kʿrui, Zumomi me-ke-du7, Tengima mě-kʿru (pp. 25-27) || Northern Assam Miśing pe-ki, Yano pü-kʿü, E. Nyising pü-kʿüü, Tagen pu-kʿu (p. 199)	**** { 白鴿 báigē }
giông	wind	**** M fēng 風 puń-, O Bur. *m-puń, Hlota m-poń, Tśungli mo-puń, Tengsa mă-puń, Yatśam mo-puń (pp. 25-27), Luhupa Branch Kukish *m-puń, Mongsen m-uń (p. 318)	**** { 風 fēng }, also VS 'gió'.
gió	wind	*** OB rdzi || A W. Bod. Ladwags zi (p. 86), Luhupa Kukish t-k-?-kʿli, Luśei tʿli,Tengima -kʿra (p. 292)	**** { 風 fēng }, also, VS 'giông' }
cá	fish	**** M yú 魚 ńǒ-, OB nya, < *ńya, M. Bur. ńa\, Luśei ńa\ | cf. Luhupa Branch (p. 288): Ukrul, Phadang, Khoirao, Kabui kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi, N. Luhupa kʿi, Maram, Dayang –ka, Kwoireng -kʿa, Kabui kʿa (Go), Empeo, Zumoni -kʿa, Imemai -kʿ@ (pp. 36-39), Luhupa Branch Kukish *kʿai, Ukhrul, Phadang, kʿai, Tśanmphung -kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi, N. Luhupa kʿi, Kabui -ka, Imemai -kʿ@, Zumoni -kʿa (p. 288), Ukhrul, Phadang kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi kʿi (p. 309)	**** { 魚 yú } SV 'ngư'. (See previous chapter for the etymology of 'cá'.)
ngào	roast	**** M áo 熬 ńau-, OB brńos (pp. 36-39)	**** { 熬 áo }
(nghẹn)ngào	weep	**** V. (nức)nở ?, M áo 嗷 ńau-, OB ńus, M Bur. ńui (pp. 36-39)	**** { 嗷 áo }
ngỗng, ngang	goose	**** M é 鵝 ńa ~ M yàn 雁 ńăn\ (wild goose), OB ńań < *ńan, M Bur. ńan\ (pp. 36-39), Siamese, Lao hān_1 (p. 71)	**** { 鵝 é } (SV 'nga')
nhỏ	young	**** M ní 倪 ńăi-, M Bur. ńay (pp. 36-39, 61) | 'younger sibling, child': Kukish *nau, Luśei nao, Khimi nau (p. 209), Maring naǒ, Ukhrul -naǒ, Khoirao -nau (p. 312), also for 'young' Souther Branch Kukish *ń-r ?-no, Luśei no, Thaso -nou, Ralte -no, Śiyang no, Vuite -no (p. 248), Meithlei -nau (p. 282), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul -ńă-nui, Tśungli nu (p. 311) || Also 'little boy' (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ŋāy, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Sui ńāy, Dioi ńay, Sui ńe (p. 463)	**** { 倪 ní }, also, 兒 ér, VS 'nhí'
mụ	woman	**** M lăo 姥 mo/, OB mo, Luśei mo (pp. 36-39)	*** ( 姥 lăo } SV 'lão'. cf. 老 lăo: VS 'lão' (old man).
ngươi	thou	**** M ér 而 nyi-, OB nyi-d, M Bur. ni (Hor) (pp. 36-39) | OK Kukish *nań, Luśei, Meithlei nań (p. 283)	*** { 爾 ér } (See also 你 nǐ, VS 'mầy', 'mi')
mồm	mouth	**** Also, V 'miệng', 'môi' (lips) | M wěn 吻 mǔn/, OB mur-, Luśei hmūr (pp. 36-39), Old Kukish Kuki *hmūr, Hrangkhol fur (p. 258) | also '*jaw' OB mur- (only in compound), Luśei hmur (point, end, tip), all Kukish languages 'mouth' | Minor group Kukish hmūr, Newari hmu-tu (p. 74), Central Kukish kukish *hmūr, Luśei hmūr (tip), Kapwi mun (p. 242) || Also: 'lips, beak, mouth' ~ V 'mỏ, mõm' | OB mtśʿu | S. Br. Kukish *hmūr, Luśei hmūr, Thado mu, Śiyang muʾ (p. 249), Old Kukish Luśei hmūr (also V mõm 'point'), Mara hm@-, Tlongsai -hmo (p. 172), Luhupa Branch Maring, Khoibu mur, Ukhrul mor, Kupome mo-, Khunggoi -mo, Kwoireng -mun, Rengma mań- (p. 324) || A W. Bod. Sbalti kʿam-tśu, Burig kʿam-tśū (p. 82)	*** { 嘴 zuǐ } VS 'mỏ' (beak)
mờ	dim, dark	*** M méng 朦 moń-, OB rmog, M Bur. mok (pp. 36-39)	**** { 朦 méng } SV 'mông'. cf. 夢 mèng (SV 'mộng'): VS 'mơ' (dream)
màn	curtain	**** M màn 幔 mān-, Siamese măn (yam) (pp. 36-39)	**** { 幔 màn } SV 'mạn'
mưa	rain	*** Chin. (absent in Shafer's list), OB ro- (W.), Bur. rua M Bur. rwa, Luśei ruaʾ || W. Himal. lang. Kukish r2uaʾ (p. 138), S. K. Śo yoʾ (p. 208), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul -rǒ, Phadang, Khunggoi ru-, Kupome ro-, Empeo -rui, Hlota -ru (p. 307)	*** { 雨 yǔ } SV 'vũ'
(dây)leo	creeper	**** M lěi 纍 lwi/, Luśei hrui (pp. 36-39)	**** { 纍 lěi } SV 'luỹ'
rừng	forrest, jungle	**** M lín 林 l'am-, lịəm (sēn 森 forrest), Luśei ram (p. 67) | Central Branch: Kukis *r2am, Ngente, Haka ram (p. 230)	**** { 林 lín } SV 'lâm'. cf. 森 sēn ~ 'rậm'
lười	lazy	**** M lăn 懶 lān/, Siamese grān2^ (pp. 36-39)	**** { 懶 lăn } SV 'lãn'
lối	road	**** OB lam, M Bur. lam\, Luśei lam (p. 40) | Old Kukish Kuki *lam, Tarao -lam (p. 256) and most of other languages all show the articulation of /lam/.	**** { 路 lù }
bươmbướm	butterfly	*** OB pʿye-ma-lep, M Bur. lip-pra, Luśei -pʿe-hlep || Baric Branch: Garo -pi-lip (pp. 40, 41), Southern Kukish Śo pam-ba-lāt (p. 221)	* { 蝴蝶 húdié } SV 'hồđiệp', seemingly having nothing to do with V 'bươmbướm', one * is accounted for 'bướm, speculation the possibility of the contrction of MC /hwo-/ ~ /bwo-/, /-ep/ ~ /-əm/, perhaps? (See elaboration in the previous chapter.)
đi	walk, go, come	**** M lǚ 履 lyi/, Siamese lī (p. 41) | Minor group Tsangla de, Almora di (p. 172), Kukish di (come), Amora Branch of W. Him. di, de (go) (p. 330)	*** { 去 qù }
ảng	basin, jug	**** M áng 盎 ʾāń\, Siamese ʾāń_2, M Bur. ʾāń (p. 42)	**** { 盎 áng }
hong	to roast	**** M hōng 灴 xong-, Siamese /hǔń/ (pp. 42-43)	**** { 灴 hōng }, also, VS 'hơ', plausibly 'nung'.
ghẹ	crab	**** M xié 蟹 ɣeyi/ (366: Li-chi 861-d), Siamese gey (small prawns), (p. 63) Kukish t ?-ɣai (p. 200) || Northern Assam Miśing ta-ke, Yano ta-tśie (p. 200), Old Kukish Luśei ai, Mara tśa-ia (< *t-ai) Kami tă-ai, Mikir tśe-he (p. 277)	**** { 蟹 xié }. Also, 'cua' (crab)
vòng	circular	**** M yuán 圓 ʾwăn-, Kukish *wal, Luśei val, Katśin val, M Bur. wan\ (pp. 42-43)	**** { 圓 yuán }. Also, 'tròn' (round)
quay	revolve	** Chin. jịuən\, Siamese wǐyěn, Luśei vir, Katśin Kăvin, Garo wil- (pp. 42-43)	*** { 旋 xuán } SV 'toàn' , alternately *** 迴 huí, SV 'hồi', that match the Siamese and Garo forms. Haudricourt did not cite the exact Chinese character for it but based on his transribed Chin. jịuən\, it could be M 轉 zhuăn, it means 'revolve' as well.
khổ	bitter	***** M kǔ 苦 kʿo/, Kukish *kʿa\, Luśei kʿa, M Bur. kʿa\, Dimasa -kʿa, Katśin kʿa (p.44), Luhupa Branch Maring , Phadang, Maram, Khoirao, Empeo kʿa-, Ukhrul, Mongsen,Thukumi, Rengma, Imemai -kʿa, Kupome -kʿau-, Khunggoi, Kwoireng -kʿa-, Kabui kʿu-, Zumoni ku- (p. 288)	***** { 苦 kǔ }
cằm	chin, jaw	*** M jiá 頰 kep, | OB mgal, O Bur. *m-kʿa, Panku (le) kʿa,Biate (St) ma-kʿa, lamgang ba-kʿa (pp.25-27), Kukish *m-kʿa, Luśei kʿa, Dimasa /-ska, Katśin n-kʿa, Siamse, Lao kēm\2 (p.44) || A W. Bod. Sbalti -gal (p. 81), Old Kukish Meithlei kʿa- (p. 280), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul mă-kʿa, Maram ma-kʿo, Kabui ku-, Khoirao ka- (p. 301)	**** { 頷 hán } (SV 'hàm'): VS 'cằm', 'hàm' (jaw, chin). Modern M 頰 jiá denotes 'cheeks (VS 'gò(má)' ~ M 面頰 miànjiá.
kéo	pull	**** M qiān 牽 kʿen-, Siamese, Lao kʿ ěn\3 (p. 66), Central Branch Kukish *kai, Luśei kai, Kapwi kai- (p. 238) | Also: 'force or pull open' Old Kukish Kukish *t-keo, Luśei keo, Mara *sa-kei (p. 269)	*** { 牽 qiān } SV 'kiên'
hỗng	hole, hollow	**** V also ‘trống’, M kǒng 孔 kʿong/, M Bur. ă-koń\, Diamasa koń-, OB kʿun (p.44)	**** { 孔 kǒng } SV 'khổng'. cf. 'trống' 空 kōng: SV 'không' (empty)
trống	empty	**** OB stoń-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti stoń (p. 81), OT Bod. lang. Tsangla stoń-po (p. 117)	**** { 空 kōng } SV 'không'
trống	drum	**** Also, Viet. 'cồng' | M qiāng 椌 kʿ@ng- (Chin. hollow wooden beaten instrument of music Li-chi), Kukish *kʿuań, Luśei kʿuań, Kukish tum\ (p.202) || Northern Assam Miśing, Tagen -dum, Yano, E. Nyising -dūm (p. 202) | (Haudricourt) Siamese kl@@ŋ, Lao, Shan kɔń, Ahom klwraŋ, Dioi kyɔń (p. 509)	*** { 椌 qiāng } SV 'khương'. cf. 鼓 gǔ, probably VS 'mõ'
kham	bear, endure	**** M kān 堪 kʿān-, M Bur. kʿam (p.44)	***** { 堪 kān }
khó	difficult	*** M. Bur. kʿak, OB kʿag-po (p.44) || OB W. dka-ba, Sbalti, other Bod. languages Tsangla ka-lo (p. 117)	*** { 困難 kūnnăn }, 'khó' hereof is contraction of VS 'khókhăn' (difficult), or, perhaps, 苦 kǔ from 困苦 kūnkǔ (hardships).
ho	cough	*** M ké 咳 kʿayi\, Luśei kʿuʾ (p.76), Dimasa kusu (p.44) || Central Kukish Kukish *m-r-kʿus, Kapwi kʿu (p. 242), Southern Branch Thado Thado kʿu, Śiyang kʿu (p. 251)	**** { 咳 ké }, Also, VS 'khạc' (spit)
thỏ	hare	***** M tù 兔 tʿo\, Siamese tʿoʾ_ (p.45)	****** { 兔 tù } SV 'thố'
cày	plow	*** Siamese tʿai/, M Bur. tʿay, Katśin tʿai(p.45)	*** { 耜 sì }
thám	try, investigate	**** M tān 探 tʿām-, Siamese, Lao tʿām/ (interrogate, question) (p.45)	**** { 探 tān } SV 'thám', also, VS 'thăm'
mở	to open	*** Chin. pʿyěi- (Shafer ?), OB pʿyes, pʿye (pf.) (p.45) || Other Bod. languages Tsangla pʿi (p. 118)	** { 捭 bài (?) }, trying to match the phonetic pattern /p-/ ~ /b-/ ~ /m-/. For { 掰 bāi } VS 'bẻ' means 'break open'. For VS 'mở' (open), it is likely *** { 開 kāi }, Cant. /hoj1/, Hainanese /k'uj1/ }. See 'khép' (close)
bụi	dust	**** Kukish *pʿut, Luśei pʿut, M Bur. pʿut, OB bud (p.46)	*** { 粉 fěn }. cf. VS 'bột' (flour), 'bún' (noodle)
cử, kỵ	fear	**** M jì 忌 gyi\, Kukish *kri, M Bur. kre\ (p.46) || Luhupa Branch Longla kʿi-, Holta kʿyu (p. 305)	**** { 忌 jì }. (See also VS 'sợ', 'dè' )
ghế, kỷ	seat	**** M jì 几 kyi/, OB kʿri (p.46)	**** { 几 jì } SV 'kỷ', ex. 長几 chángjì SV 'trườngkỷ' (bench). cf. 椅 yí: VS 'ghế' (chair)
cùi(chỏ), khuỷu	elbow	*** M jū 矩 kū/, Kukish *ku, Luśei kiu, O Bod kʿyu (p.46)	** { 矩 jū } SV 'cự' (carpenter's square). Cf. *** { 肘 zhǒu } (SV 'trừu'): plausibly VS 'khuỷ' (elbow), M 肘 zhǒu < MC ʈəw < OC *truʔ, *triwʔ, ex. 手肘 shǒuzhǒu: VS 'cùichỏ' and 'khuỷutay' (elbow).
khóc	weep	**** M qì 泣 kʿyap, kʿịəp, OB kʿrab- (p. 67), Kukish *krapʾ, Luśei ţapʾ, grap (p.46) || Other Bod. languages Gurung kro-(d), Muri kra-dźʾ (p. 125), South Branch Thadao -kap-, Śiyang, Vuite kap (p. 250), Meithlei kap- (p, 283), Luhupa Branch Imeanai -kra, Zumoni ka-, Tengima kra (p. 320), Tśairelish Katśinish krapʾ, Kadu kʿrap (p. 410)	**** { 泣 qì } SV 'khấp'. cf. ****** { 哭 kū } SV 'khốc' /k'okw7/: VS 'khóc' /k'ɔkw7/ (weep)
cây	tree, trunk	*** Kunkish *kūń, Luśei kūń, M Bur. ă-kuiń\ (p.46) | Central Branch Haka kūń, Kapwi kūn (p. 242)	*** { 棵 kē, kuăn } (SV 'khoả' and 'khoản') might be associated with both concepts 'tree, trunk': M 棵 kē, kuăn < MC ko < OC *kwo.
gạo	rice	*** M gǔ 穀 kok (grain, cereals) (p. 70), Kukish *kOk ?, M Bur. kok, Katśin -gu (p.46), Luhupa Branch Rengma -ko, Tengima -ko (p. 322) | Note: 穀 gǔ SV 'cốc' (cereals), 'gạo': 稻 dào. See 'luá' (unhusked rice). }	** { 穀 gǔ } SV 'cốc'
cứng	hard	*** M qiáng 強 găń/, Kukish *krań ?, Ka. Greń, OB m-kʿrań (p. 65) || Also: 'firm, solid': M jiān 堅 ken-, Siamese kēn_1 (p.46) | Southern Kukish Śo kāń (p. 221)	**** { 強 qiáng, qiăng } SV 'cường' (strong), 'cưỡng' (reluctant). cf. **** { 僵 jiāng } (SV cương)
cóc	frog, toad, pipa	**** M hā 蛤 kāp, Siamese k@p- (p. 67) | OK Kuki *Prok, Luśei, Lamgang -ţok, Tarao -tok (pp. 262-262) | (Haudricourt) Siamese k@p, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi kop, Mak kwăp (p. 506)	**** { 蛤 hā } SV 'cáp' (toad). cf. 'nhái' 蛙 wa: SV 'oa' (frog)
kêu, gọi	call	**** M jiāo 叫 kịau\, Kukish *ko, Luśei ko, M Bur. kʿo, Katśin gau, (p. 65), Luhupa Branch Kwoireng, Rengma ko-, Kabui kau-, Empeo ku, Zumomi -ku, Dayang ku, Tegima ke (p. 286)	**** { 叫 jiāo } SV 'khiêu'
kháu	beautiful	**** M jiāo 嬌 kīau\, Siamese kēw\2, M Bur. kro (p. 67)	**** { 嬌 jiāo } SV 'kiều'
rửa	wash, bath	**** Dimasa –gui, di-gru, Katśin krut, OB bkrut (p. 67), Burmish Bur. *tʿśi, M Bur. tʿśe\, Lolo Akha tsi\, Ahi, Lolopho tśʿə\, Nyi tśʿə-, Ulu tśʿi (p. 366)	*** { 洗 xǐ } (SV tẩy)
sông	river	***** M jiāng 江 k@ng, OB kluń, O Bur., M Bur. kʿloń (p. 69), Kukish *kuań, Luśei kuań, Dimasa di-kʿoń (p. 67), Luhupa Branch Maring, Ukhrul koń, Khoibu, Phadang, Khunggoi, (N.) Luhupa koń-, Kupome kon-ta (p. 286), (It is interesting to see all Sino-Tibetan forms are cognate to the V 'sông', which further strengthen the argument for their affiliation.)	****** { 江 jiāng } SV 'giang'
tía	father	***** M tiè 爹 tʿă-, Siamese tā, OB ʿa-ta (p. 67)	****** { 爹 diè }, also, VS 'cha' (father)
cháu	nephew	*** M zhí 姪, Kukish *tʿu, Luśei, M Bur. tu, Dimasa du- (p. 48)	**** { 姪, 侄 zhí } for VS 'cháu'.
đào	dig	**** Kukish *tai, Katśin dai (p. 48), Burmish Bur. *do\, M Bur. tu\, Phumoi tu¯, Akha tu\, Nyi du\ (p. 369), Tśairelish Katśingish tʿo, Kadu tʿu (p. 408)	**** { 掏 tāo }
thấy	see	**** Chin to\ (Shafer ?), OB Mig-ltos (p. 48), mtʿoń, Sbalti, Burig tʿoń (p. 81), other Bod. languages Tsangla tʿoń (p. 117) , West Himalayish languages Buman, Themor, Kanauri, Mantśati -tań, Tśamba-Lahuli ta- (p. 133)	**** { 睇 dì, Cant. /t'aj3/ }
trứng	egg	***** Kukish *tui, Luśei tui, Dimasa di, OB dui (p. 48)	****** { 蛋 dàn } for 'trứng'. For /tui/ and /dui/, **** 卵 luán SV 'noãn', Hainanese /nuj1/
điểm	mark	***** M diăn 點 tem/, Siamese tēm2\ (p. 48)	***** { 點 diăn }. cf. VS 'châm'
lắm	many, much	*** Siamese tʿ@m/, Kukish *tam, Luśei tam (p. 48) || Old Kukish Kuki *tam, Luśei tam, Tśiru tām-, Aimol -tam (p. 256) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese hlāy, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung lāy, Dioi, Ahom lay (p. 466)	*** { 甚 shèn } (SV 'thậm')
trán	forehead	**** M diān 顛 ten- (top of the head; summit), Siamese, Lao ţēn_ (p. 48), OK Luśei -tśal, Kom tśe (p. 261) | Kuksih M-tśal, Baric Tipora mă-tśal (vầngtrán?) (p. 438), Dimasa tʿain, Katśingish tʿa (p. 443)	**** { 顛 diān }
đứng	stand	**** Kukish *M-tuńʾ\, Luśei tuńʾ, Dimasa doń- (p. 48)	**** { 站 zhàn }
bụng	belly, stomach	***** M fú 腹 puk, Siamese, Lao pūm\, Kukish *p@, *puk, Luśei p@, pum, *puk, M Bur. -puik, wam\-puik, Dimasa bik-ma (p. 49), OB pʿo-ba, ze-bug, (p. 69) || OT Bob. lang. Gurung, Muri pʿo, Thaksya pʿo4 (p. 124), Southern Kukish Śo a-bu(ə)n (p. 221),Old Kukish Haka p@, Tlongsai peu (p. 269), Burmish Lolo poń, Akha po¯ (p. 374)	**** ( 腹 fú } SV 'phục'.
bà	grandmother	***** M bǐ 妣 pyi/, OB pʿyi-mo, Kukish *pi, Luśei pi, Dimasa a-bi (p. 49)	**** { 婆 pó } is much more plausibly cognate to SV 'bà' while 妣 bǐ originally means 'deceased mother'
vác	carry on back	**** M fù 負 bǔ/, Kukish *t ?-pu, Luśei pu, M Bur. pui\, Dimasa –bu (p. 49)	**** { 負 fù } SV 'phụ'
búa	axe	*** M fǔ 釜 pū, M. Bur. Pū- tśʿin (p. 49)	*** { 釜 fǔ } SV 'phù'
bát(ngát)	broad	**** M bó 博 pāk (Shijing 50; 771 a-c), Kukish *pāk, Luśei pak, Dimasa –ba (p. 49), Mikir arpak (p. 277)	*** { 博 bó } SV 'bác'
bông, búp	flower, petals	*** M pàn 瓣 băn\ (petals), Siamese pān, Kukish *pār, Luśei pār, Mikir pār (petal),M Bur. pan\, Dimasa bar, Katśin pan, ban (p. 49), OB ãba, ãba-pa (to open, bgin to bloom) (p. 74)	*** { 瓣 pàn }
bay(bổng?)	to fly	*** Chin pǔn\, Dimasa pur, OB pʿur | V bổng, M fàn 翻 pʿan (to fly up (of aprks)) (p. 49), OB ãpʿa-bar (p. 74) || Eastern dialects mpʿurwa (p. 111), Minor group Toţo bi, Dhimal bʿir (p.168), Norther Assam Midźu pʿyuń, Meyöl pʿöń (p. 188), Burmish O Bur. pyam, M Bur. pyam, N Bur. pyã, Megyaw, Samong pe (p. 359)	*** { 翻 fàn }
bắn	to shoot	**** Siamese, Lao pēn_, Luśei perʾ (p. 49)	**** { 放 fàng } SV 'phóng'
bẹp	flat	**** Also V 'biển' ~ 'bảng' (board) M biăn 扁 pen/ (flat, signboard, tablet), Siamese pēn\2, Kukish *pēr, M Bur. pyań, Diamasa –pʿer, Katśin byen, pen, Siamese, Lao pēn\2 (p. 66), Tśairelish Katśinish pʿēk, Kadu pye (p. 409)	**** { 扁 biăn }
trợt	to slip	**** Also, V té ‘fall down’, M diè 跌 det, OB ãdred (p. 51)	**** { 跌 diè } SV 'trật'
đền	palace, temple	***** M diàn 殿 den\, Siamese dēn\1 (p. 51)	****** { 殿 diàn } SV 'điện'
đốt	burn	****** OB drugs, M Bur. tok (p. 51) || Northern Assam Midźu tʿak (M) (p. 186)	**** { 燒 shāo }
đớn(đau)	feel pain, love	**** Also V 'thương', M téng 疼 duoń- (only in modern Chin. this word conveys those two meanings while 痛 tòng signifies ‘pain’ only.), OB gduńs, gduńs-pa (p. 51)	**** { 疼 téng } [ -w < -ong ] cf. 疼痛 téngtòng: VS 'đauđớn' (pain)
đàng, đường	path	**** Also, V ‘road, way, route’, M táng 唐 dāń- (Shijing 700 a-b: path in a temple, also, ‘route, road’), Siamese, Lao dāń (also, road, way) (p. 51)	***** { 唐 táng }. cf. 途 tú (SV 'đồ;), 道 dào (SV đạo), ex. 走道 zǒudào: VS 'đườngđi' (path)
sơn	paint	*** OB rtsi, Katśin tsi, M Bur. tśʿe\ (p. 51)	*** { 漆 xī }
bọ	insect	**** Chin. bǔ\ (Shijing 102 l’ – m’: ‘crawl’ = Vietnamese ‘bò’. It is interesting to see the phonetic resemblance of these two words.), M Bur. pui\, OB ãbu (p. 51), Burmish Bur. *bui\, Lolo Phumoi bo\, Nyi bu\, Ahi bö\, bu\, Lolopho bö\, Phumoi bu, Wei-ning bü (p. 368)	*** { 巴 bā } SV 'ba' (insect), ** { 匍 pú }. See 'bò' (crawl) .
chua	sour	**** M suān 酸 suān-, Kukish *tʿar\, Kanauri sur-, Luśei tʿar (p. 52) || OB sur- (Rodong), Luśei tʿur (p. 74) || Also OB skyur-po, Archaic West Bodish dialects Sbalti, Burig skyur-, West Central and East Himalayish Bahing, Thulung dźyur-, Dumi, Khulung -dźur, Vayu dźu- (p. 144)	**** { 酸 suān }
rét	cold	**** Southern Kukish Kukish *śik, Katśin śik, Luśei śik (p. 52), Śo sʿi(i) (p. 220), Luhupa Branch Hlota -tsak-, Tengsa -tśik (p. 316)	**** { 淒 qī }
tiếng	sound, voice	**** M shēng 聲 śīń-, Siamese śīyěń (p. 52) | Siamese śīěń/, Lao syəń/, (sień) (Vietnamese, Siamese, Laotian: word, language, sound) (p. 69)	**** { 聲 shēng } SV 'thanh'. VS 'tiếng' also denotes 'language', so is that of Chinese.
chị	elder sister	**** M zǐ 姊 tsi/, OB ʾa-tśʿe, Katśin tśet ? (p. 52) | 'man's sister' Luhupa Branch Kukish *far, Luśei, Maring tśar, Ukhrul -tsar, Kupome -dźa-, Maram -ti-, Kwoireng -tan- (p. 324)	****** { 姊 zǐ }. cf. 姐 jiě is SV 'thơ', 'thư', common in use in modern Mandarin, though. For 姊 zǐ, SV 'tỉ' but mostly obsolete.
chỉ	finger; point at	**** M zhǐ 指 tśi/, Siamese dźi2 (p. 59)	***** { 指 zhǐ } as in 'chỉchỏ", hence, VS 'trỏ'
câu	hook	**** M jìu丩kǔ-, OB kyu (p. 59) | 'fishhook' OK Kukish *ar-t?-kuai, Luśei -kuai, Mara kei (p. 269)	***** { 鉤 gōu } SV 'câu'
(đầu)gối	knee	* Luśei *kʿu, Siamese kʿo_1 (p. 59)	*** { 膝蓋 xīgài } VS "gối' a contraction of VS 'đầugối'.
mù	blind	** M máo 瞀 mu\, OB dmus-loń (p. 60)	**** { 盲 máng } is more plausible for VS 'mù' (blind) while 瞀 máo is more like ' dizzy', 'dizzled'. cf. 聾 lóng (deaf) for VS 'lãng' (hearing-impared), 瞎 xià (blind) for VS 'chột' (one-eyed)
mù	fog	*** M wù 霧 mū\, OB rmu-ba, M Bur. muigʾ\ (p. 60)	**** { 霧 wù } SV 'vụ'
cậu	uncle	***** M jìu 舅 gǔ/, OB kʿu-bo, M Bur. *kʿu (p. 60), Luhupa Branch Tśungli, Mongsen, Tśangki -kʿu, Rong -ku2 (p. 306)	****** { 舅 jìu } SV 'cữu'
góp, gọp	gather	*** SV tụ, M jǔ 聚 dzū/\, còu 湊 tsʿu\ (to collect, to assemble), M Bur. tśǔ (p. 60)	**** { 湊 còu } SV 'tấu', (M 湊 còu < MC chow < OC *sho:s ), for *** { 聚 jǔ } SV 'tụ'
cụ	headman	**** Also V gộc ?, SV cự, M jǔ 巨 gǒ/ (Chin. 'large, great, chief'; Chin. Śan kʿuiw1 'be great, large in bulk, size; be proud, self important'), OB ãgo, Siamese, Lao go^2 (beginning, origin, cause) (p. 61)	*** { 巨 jǔ }, for **** { 考 kăo } SV 'khảo'
già	grow old	**** M qí 耆 gyi-, OB bgres, M Bur. kri\ (p. 61), as 'old, aged' OB rmo, rmos || A W. Bob. Sbalti rgas-, Burig rgas- (p. 80)	**** { 耆 qí }
báo	speech	*** V bảo 'report, inform, announce, publish', M bào 報 pau\ (Chin. report, inform), M Bur. po, Luśei *pao, Siamese, Lao pāw_1 (divulge, announce, publish) (p. 61)	*** { 報 bào } As many V specialists, Hauricourt just tried to map the vocable /bảo/ in to /báo/. Actually, VS "bảo" was possibly derived from 道 dào (SV đạo).
vòng	round	**** M wān 彎 wăn-, M Bur. ʾwan\ (p. 64)	**** { 環 huán } SV 'hoàn'
hết	to not exist	*** V 'finished, consumed', M miè 滅 met, OB med-pa, Siamese, Lao hmēăƫ/ (Lao: 'finished, consumed') (p. 65)	*** { 滅 miè } SV 'diệt'. cf. *** { 絕 jué } (SV tuyệt). VS "hết" is possibly cognate to **** { 竭 jié } (SV kiệt) to mean 'run out'.
đánh	beat, strike	***** M dă 打 teń, OB teń (Mantśati unit), Luśei deń (p. 66) || also OB rduń, E. dialects Dwags duń (p. 115)	****** { 打 dă } SV 'đả'. cf. 丁 dīng: SV 'đinh' /dejng1/
kèm	unite in one, put together	**** V 'attach, together, with', M jiān 兼 kem-, Siamese kēm (mix, intermix, mingled), Lao kēm/ (together, with) (p. 66)	**** { 兼 jiān } SV 'kiêm'.
nhắm	be sleepy	*** M mián 眠 men- (to close the eyes, to sleep). M Bur. myań (p. 66)	*** { 眠 mián } SV 'miên', VS 'nhắm' for the meanning 'close ones's eyes'.
thở	breath	**** M 息 sịək (to breathe), M Bur. ʾă-sak (p. 66)	**** { 息 xì } SV 'tức'
chích	to bite	**** M zhí 蟄 śīk, OB tśig (Kanauri), Siamese tśǐk_ (p. 66)	**** { 蟄 zhí }
kềm	thongs	**** M qián 鉗 gīm-, Siamese, Lao gīm (p. 66)	**** { 鉗 qián } SV 'kiềm'
bắp(chân)	calf of leg	**** M bīn 臏 bin/ (knee-cap, knee, leg, mod. 腓 pái for calves), OB byin-pa (p. 68)	*** { 臏 bīn }
cân	weigh	***** M jīn 斤, M Bur. kʿyin, Luśei kʿīn (p. 68)	***** { 斤 jīn }, also, means weight unit a 'catty'.
liên	continuous	***** M lián 連 līn-, Lao lyən (lien) (p. 69)	***** { 連 lián } SV 'liên', also VS 'liền' (immediately)
bộp	hit, strike	**** M pú 撲 pʿok, OB pʿog (p. 70)	**** { 撲 pú }
chất	heap together	**** M zú 族 dzok [?] (to collect together), OB ãdzog-pa(p. 70)	**** { 簇 cù } SV 'thốc'. This 族 zú is the prior form of 簇 cù that was meant by both authors, Haudrucourt and Shafer.
lỗ	hole	**** OB rlubs, M Bur. lup (p. 40), Siamese, Lao hlǔp (hollow, deep) (p. 71)	**** { 窿 lóng }
búp	bud	**** OB mum, M Bur. (arch.), Luśei -mūm (p. 71), Tśairelish Katśinish BOm?, Kadu, Khauri a-bum (p. 412)	**** { 蓓 bǒu }
ngậm	hold in the mouth	**** M àn 唵 ʿām-, Luśei *um, Siamese ʿ@m (p. 71)	**** { 唵 àn } is for VS 'ăn' or eat. Shafer or Haudricourt should switch this word with their M 含 hán to mean 'ngậm' in V. Shafer or Haudricourt should switch this word with their M hán 含 ɣām-.
ngẫng	rise, raise	**** M áng 昂 ńāń-, Siamese ńāń^2 (p. 72)	**** { 昂 áng }. Did Shafer mean VS 'nâng' ?
ăn	put or throw into the mouth	**** M hán 含 ɣām-, M xián 銜 ɣām-, OB gams, Siamese, Lao gām- (p. 72)	**** { 含 hán }, VS 'ngậm', SV 'hàm'. Shafer or Haudricourt should switch this word with their M àn 唵 ʿām- if they meant VS 'ăn' (eat).
mất	to die	**** M wáng 亡 mań-, Luśei mań (p. 72)	**** { 亡 wáng } VS 'vong'
đen	dark, black, somber	**** M xuán 玄 ɣuʷen-, Siamese, Lao gūn (night) (p. 72) | OT Bod. lang. Gurung mloń-ya, Marmi mlań-ai, Thaksya malań (p. 127),Tśairelish Katśinish dum, Andro tum-, Sengmai tʿum-, Sak -tʿün (p. 397) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese tām, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung dăm, Tay noir lăm, Li dɔm (p. 459)	**** { 玄 xuán } SV 'huyền'. Also, VS 'tuyền'.
bầu	gourd	**** M Bur. bʿu\, Luśei būr (p. 74)	**** { 瓢 piáo }
than	ashes	***** M tān 炭 tʿān\, OB tʿal-ba, Siamese, Lao tʿān_1 (p. 75)	**** { 炭 tān}. Actually, the original meaning of this etymon is for 'charcoal'. See also 'tro'
tro	ashes	*** Baric Garo tapra, Tipora, Dimasa tʿāpla, Bodo hatʿ@pla, Metś ha-topla, Atong tap-pa-ra, Mośang tap-tʿa, Namsangia tapla, Tśang tap (p. 428)	*** { 灰 huī }
rắn	snake	**** M mǐn 閩 min- (modern M shé 蛇), OB sbrul, M Bur. mrwe, Luśei rūl (p. 75) || A W. Bod. Sbalti ɣbul, Burig zbrul, Ladwags rul (p. 83), Northern Branch Thanphum rūl (Taʾoa), Matupi Xŗūl (p. 251), Old Kukish Kuki *p-r2-ūl, Luśei rūl, Aimol rul, Hrangkhol mi-rul (p. 258), Kom ma-ri, Tśiruma-ro (p. 261), Mara pa-ri, Sabeu pe-ri (p. 272), Maring pʿrul, Mikir (R.) pʿurul, Mikir (W.) pʿurui (p. 278), Burmish O Bur. mruy, N Bur. mvei, Intha hmvi, Danu mwe, Samong moiń, Lawng -moi, Tsaiwa măvi (p. 362)	**** { 閩 mǐn } SV 'mẫn'
rơi	drop, fall, let fall	*** M luò 落, OB kʿrul, M Bur. kʿrwe (p. 75), also Luhupa Branch Kukish klu, Luśei tlu, Phadang ku loi- (p. 292)	**** { 落 luò } SV 'lạc'
mo	sorcery	*** M wū 巫, OB rol-ba, M Bur. rwa (p. 75)	****** { 巫 wū }. cf. 巫師 wūshī VS 'phùthuỷ' (also #'thầymo') 'sorcerer' }
cuộn	to coil	**** Also V cuốn 'roll', M juān 卷, 捲 kwīn (roll, scroll, roll up), OB bsgril (to wind), M Bur. kʿwe, Luśei kual (p. 75)	**** { 卷 juān }
giời	sun	*** Also: 'trời', 'ngày' (day) | OB nyi-, M rì 日 nyit < *nyit-á < *nyi'-ta (p.76) || Also, OB nyin, E. dialect Dwags nyen-te (p. 114), Old Kukish *k?-ni, Luśei, Meithlei ni (p. 280), Burmish Bur. *ńi-, M Bur. neʾ, Lolo Ahi, Lolopho ńi, Chöko ńi, Ahi ńi-, Weining ńi, Phumoi ne¯, Akha nẵ¯, Ulu nie (p. 366) | (day) Baric Bodo -ni, Metś -nai, Dimasa, Tśutisa, Atong, Wanang, Ruga, Kontś, Mośang -ni, Namsingia -ńyi, Muthun, Mulung -nyi, -ni, Tśang nyet (p. 428)	**** { 日 rì } for VS 'giời'. cf. 月 yuè ~ 'giăng' ~ 'trăng' (moon) ~ 'tháng' (month)
cẳng	foot, leg	**** V 'chân', 'chơn', OB rkań || A W. Bod. Sbalti rkań 'origin', skań 'shin' (p. 79), Southern Bodish Dangdźongskad, Lhoskad, Śarpa kań- (p. 90), Eastern dialects Amdo rkań-wa (p. 105), Southern Kukish: Kukish *-kʿoń, Śo kʿon (p. 221), Old Kukish Luśei kʿoń, Meithlei kʿōń (p. 284), all other Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /ke/ (p. 253), Burmish Bur. *kʿri, M Bur. kʿre, Lolo Phumoi kʿu, Akha kʿu\, Ahi kʿi-, Nyi, Lolopho tśʿə-, Chöko tś (p. 366), Tśairelish Katśinish kʿoń/, Kadu lă-goń (p. 412) || OB rkań-pa, Karenic *kʾań, Karenni mä, Pwo kʾə9, Sgaw kʾ@7, Taungthu kań, Yinbaw kańn\, Taungyi -kʾań1, Thaton kʾań3 (pp. 418, 419) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾkheeŋ, Lao khɛń, Shan, Tho kɛń, Tay blanc qhɛń, Dioi hɛń (p. 495)	**** { 脛 jìng }, cf. 足 zú (VS chân) 'foot', 腳 jiăo (VS 'giò') 'leg'
cỏ	grass	*** OB stswa || A W. Bod. Sbalti rtswa, Burig śtsoa (p. 79)	**** { 草 căo }
đói	hunger	**** OB ltogs-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti ltok-, Burig ltok (p. 80)	**** { 餒 něi }, with the pattern /n-/ ~ /d-/
trông	look	**** OB tlos || A W. Bod. Sbalti, Burig ltos (p. 80)	*** { 瞪 dèng } SV 'trừng', also, VS 'trợn' (glare)
nồi	vessel, pot	*** OB snod || A W. Bod. Sbalti snod (p. 81)	*** { 豆 dòu }, with the pattern /d-/ ~ /n- }. See 'đậu' (bean)
râu	beard	**** OB sma-ra || A W. Bob. Sbalti smay-ra, Burig smayan-rā (p. 81), other Bod languages Ladwags smań-ra, Tsangla mań-ra (p. 118)	*** { 鬚 xū }, also, VS 'ria'.
cửa	door	**** OB sgo || A W. Bob. zgo, Burig zgō (p. 81), Eastern dialect sgo (p. 111), Minor groups Kukish kʿār, Newari kʿā, Burmish M Bur. kʿa\, (p. 384), Lolo Lisu kʿa (p. 384)	**** { 戶 hù } SV 'hộ'.
bọt	bubble	**** OB sbu-ba || A W. Bob. zbw-, Burig zbal- (p. 81)	**** { 泡 pào }
đêm	night	**** OB mtsʿan-mo || A W. Bod. Sbalti tsʿan (p. 81), Souther Branch Kukish *yān, Luśei zān, Thado yān, Śiyang yan3, Vuite zan (p. 247)	*** { 宵 xiāo } SV 'tiêu'
màu	color	** OB mdog- || A W. Bob. Burig -dok (p. 82)	*** { 貌 mào }, also, VS 'vẻ' (the look)
ngọt	sweet	***** OB mńar-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti, Burig ńar- (p. 82)	***** { 𩜌 yuē } (SV ngạt)
mũi	nose	** OB mtśʿul-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti snam-sul (nostril), Burig snam-tśʿul (p. 82), Norther Assam Midźu mīnyuń, Meyöl mīnoń (p. 187)	** { 鼻 bí }
bột	flour	**** OB pʿye || A W. Bod. Sbalti -pʿe, Burig -pʿe (p. 82)	**** { 粉 fěn }. See 'bụi'
phía	side, direction	*** OB pʿyogs || A W. Bod. Sbalti -pʿyox, Burig -pi (p. 82)	**** { 邊 biān } SV 'biên,' also VS 'bên' (by the side), 'miền' (region)
đôi	pair	***** OB dor || A W. Bod. Sbalti dor (p. 83)	****** { 對 duì } SV 'đối'
nóng	hot	**** OB dro-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti trong-, Burig drun- (p. 83)	*** { 燙 tàng }
nhọn	sharp	*** V 'pointed' | OB rnon-pa || A W. Bod. Ladwags rnon- (J) (p. 83)	**** { 尖 jiān }
nghe	hear, listen	**** OB nyan, OB -nä || S. Bod. Lhoskad, Śarpa nyen (p. 91), E. dialects Dwags nyan, Central Branch Ngente, Haka ńai, Panku, hmar -ńai- (p. 230), Southern Branch Kukish *-r-ńai-, Luśei ńai, Thado ńai-, Ralte -ńai-, Śiyang ńai, Vuite -ńei- (p.246), Burmish Bur. *na¯, M Bur. na, Lolo Phumoi, Akha na\, Nyi na¯, Ahi nō¯ , Lolopho no¯ (p. 366) | O Bur. na, Karenic *na\, Pwo nā6, Sgaw nə8-, Bwe mäʾ (p. 414) | (Haudricourt) Daic *ŋin, Siamese yin, Lao, Ahom ñin, Shan, Tay noir ńin, Tay blac nin, Tho nin (p. 486) || nghe(lời) 'obey, listen' | OK Kukish *-r-ńai, Luśei ńai, Sabeu -ńey (p. 269), Luhupa Branch Hlota -ńa-, Tśungli -ńa, Longla ńa (p. 310)	**** { 聽 tīng }. cf. Hainanese /k'ɜ1/ }
ngủ	sleep	**** OB snyid || S. Bod. Groma nyiʾ- (p. 91)	**** { 臥 wò } SV 'ngoạ' (lying)
khác	different	* OB kʿyad || C. Bod. Choni kʿyä (p.102)	**** { 各 gé } SV 'các'
vua	king	***** OB rgyal-po || E. dialects Amdo rgyal-wo (p. 105)	**** { 王 wáng } SV 'vương', also, VS 'bua'.
bànchân	foot	*** OB bań, OB rkań-pa (leg) || E. dialects Amdo hkań-wa (p. 106), Khams rkań-pa (p. 112), W. Hima. lang. Thebor bań-kʿat (p. 133)	**** { 腳板 jiăobăn }. cf. 手板 shǒubăn: VS 'bàntay' (palm)
thẳng	straigth	*** OB drań-po || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla drań-po (p. 117)	**** { 正 zhèng }
bứt	pull out weeds	**** OB pʿut (pf.) || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla pʿut (p. 118)	**** { 拔 bá }
trắng	white	*** OB dkar-ba || OT Bod. lang. Gurung, Marmi, Thaksya tar- | Shafer: Parallel to OB dkar-ba "white" are not found ouside Bodish, and one can only say the the primitive Tibeto-Burmic form may have been *t-ɣar which would explain the preservation of the prefix and the dropping of the initial.) (p. 125)	*** { 素 sù } SV tố (no color)
lại	arrive, come	***** OB sleb || W. Himal. lang. Bunan leb, Mantśti hleb (p 138), Minor group Toƫo, Dhimal le- (p. 169)	****** { 來 lái }
chânmày	eyebrow	**** W. Himal. lang. Thebor mik-tśam (also 'eyelashes'), Kanauri mik-tsam (p. 140)	**** { 眉梢 méishāo }. Also, 眉尖 méijiān.
móng	claw, fingermail	** OB sder-mo || West Central and East Himalayish Vayu deme (p. 144)	*** { 趼 jiăn }
củ	potato	*** OB skyi-ba || W. C E. Himal. lang. Dumi ki 'yam', Kulung kʿe, Rodong -ki, Kiranti, Waling -kʿi, Balali kʿu, Limbu, Yakkha kʿe (p. 152)	*** { 薯 shǔ }
quăng	throw awy	**** Kunkish worʾ < *warʾ || Minor groups Newari wā- (p. 160)	**** { 扔 rèng }, also, 'ném'
bận	put on clothes, wear	*** Southern Branch Kukhish *bun, Kukish bun, Luśei bun, Ralte -bn-, Śiyang būn (p. 250) || Minor groups Newari pũ (K), Tśairelish Katśingish bun, Kadu pʿun (p. 411)	**** { 披 pì } See 'mặc'
cột	bind, tie	**** N. Ass. Midźu kid3 (M), Meyöl kid3 (p. 185), Tśairelish Katśinish kʿit, Kadu git (p. 410)	**** { 結 jié } SV 'kết'
nâu	brown	*** N. Ass. Midźu rańāl, Meyöl ńāl (p. 186)	**** { 焦 jiāo } Also VS 'cháy' (burnt) }
bắp	corn	*** N. Ass. Midźu b@ (N), Taying ma-bōl(N) (p. 186)	*** { 棒 bàng }, or contraction of *** { 包子 bāomǐ } SV 'baomễ' \ /-m ~ -p/
ruộng	paddies	*** N. Ass. Miśing jhum, Yano rek, Bunan rig (p. 204)	**** { 垌 tóng } SV 'đồng'. cf. *** { 田 tián } (SV điền), also, VS 'đồng'.
khum	bow down	**** Kukish kum ?, (to stoop), Ka. kum, gūm || N. Ass. Miśing kum, Yano rek, Bunan rig (p. 204) | khum 'to stoop' Burmish O Bur. kʿum, M Bur. kʿum, N Bur. kʿoũ\, Lawng kam, Tsaiwa kim (p. 361)	**** { 躬 gōng }
cùng	together	*** Kukish M-kʿ@m || N. Ass. Miśing kum (p. 204)	*** { 共 gòng } SV 'cộng'. Also, *** { 同 tóng } SV 'đồng'
kẹp	pinch, tongs	**** Kukish -kʿep, Dimasa kʿep (p. 204)	**** { 夾 jiă } SV 'giáp'
vùi	bury	**** S. K. Kukish *wui, Luśei vui, Khimi vui (p. 208), S. Br. Thado wui, Śiyang wi (p.249), Luhupa Branch Kukish *wui, Luśei vui, Phadang tśa-hui (p. 312 )	**** { 埋 mái } SV 'mai'
ngắn	short	**** S. K. Luśei hniam, Śo nyen, -nen (p. 218)	**** { 短 duăn }, cf. VS 'lùn' (short in height)
bẩn	dirty	*** S. K. Hwalngau bāl, Śo ba (p. 220)	*** {潣 mǐn } SV 'mẫn' (contaminated water, contamination).
ỉa	deffecate	**** S. K. Luśei ēkʾ, Śo ek (p. 221)	**** { 屙 é }, cf. Cant. /o5/
mốc	mildew	**** S. K. Luśei ēkʾ hmuar, Śo -hm@ (p. 221)	**** { 霉 méi } SV 'môi'
sét	thunderbolt	* S. K. -krēk, Luśei tēk, Tśinbok ń-grēk/ (p. 222), Old Kukish *M-Krēk, Tśiru me-tśek, Purum -tek (p. 261)	* { 雷 léi } SV 'lôi'. Also, possibly, * { 靂 lì } SV 'lịch' ( thunderclap).
nạ	mother	**** Central Branch Kukish *nu\, Haka, Panku nu, Taungtha, Śonśe -nu, Bandźogi nu (p. 230), all Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /nu/ (p. 252)	**** { 娘 niáng }
vỏ	husk	**** C. Br. Kukish *wai, Luśei wai, Pankhu -vai, Haka vai (p. 230), Old Kukish Meithlei wai (p. 282)	**** { 皮 pǐ }.Alternatively, possible ** { 殼 gǔ }
voi	elephant	*** O Bur. *m-ɣui\, Śo (a)-mui\, Yawdwin m-wi, Ukhrul mă-vhû, Phadang mahwi (pp. 25-27), C. Br. all languages, Haka, Taungtha, Śonśe wi (p. 232), Lahupa Branch Kukish *m-ɣui\, Luśei wi, Ukhrul mă-vʿu, Phadang ma-hwi (p. 312 )	*** { 為 wéi } (archaic Chin.)
trong	clear	**** C. Br. Kukish *M-r-tʿiańʾ, Kapwi ma-tʿeń (p. 242)	**** { 清 qīng }
xấu	bad	**** Northern Branch Kukish *tśiatʾ, Luśei tśiatʾ, Śiyang śiě, sʿia (p. 244)	**** { 丑 chǒu }
xa	far	**** Southern Branch Kukish *hlaʾ, Luśei lā, Thado -la, Ralte -la-, Śiyang -la, Vuite -la (p. 246)	**** { 遐 xiá } SV 'hà'
lại	again	*** S. Br. Kukish leʾ, Luśei leʾ, Thado le, Ralte leʾ, Śiyang le, Vuite leʾ (p. 248)	**** { 再 zài } SV 'tái'.
lần	times	*** S. Br. Kukish *lai, Luśei lai, Thado -lai, Ralte -lai-, Śiyang lai, Vuite -lai- (p. 248)	*** { 輪 lún }
bự, bà	large, female	*** C. Br. Kukish *pui, Luśei pui, Haka pi, Śonśe, Bandźogi -pi (p. 234), S. Br. (also 'female') Thado -pí, Śiyang -pui, Vuite pi (p. 249)	*** { 婆 pó } (woman)
ức, ngực	chest	***** S. Br. Kukish *ir, Luśei, Ralte ir (p. 249)	****** { 臆 yì }
nói	say	*** OB ńag, M Bur. ńak (speech) (pp. 36-39), S. Br. Kukish *śoi, Luśei śoi, Thado śoi-, Ralte -śoi- (p. 249)	*** { 話 huà } SV 'thoại'
mọi	slave	**** S. Br. Kukish *boiʾ, Luśei boiʾ, Ralte boi-, Vuite boi (p. 249)	**** { 蠻 mán } SV 'man'
đầy	full	*** S. Br. Kukish *dim, Luśei dim-, Thado dim, Śiyang ɖim (p. 251), Tśairelish Katśinish dim, Kadu dem (p. 411)	*** { 沓 dá } SV 'đáp'
ruột	bowels	*** Northern branch Thanphum ă-rīn, Matupi Xrīl (p. 251), OK Kukish *k-r2il, Luśei ril, Mara ri (p. 272)	* { 腸 chăng }
mất	lose	*** OK Kuki *mań, *hmań, Luśei mań, Aimol, Purum -mań-, Hallam mań- (p. 256) , Luhupa Branch Rengma -mʿe-, ememai mo-	**** { 失 shì } SV 'thất'. Also, alternately, *** { 沒 méi } SV 'một' (lost)
thật	very	**** OK Kuki *tak, Holhreng -tak (p. 256)	**** { 實 shí } Also, VS 'trái' (fruit)
rất	much, many	*** OK Kuki *yāt, Kolhreng -yāt- (p. 257)	*** { 極 jí }
cãi	quarrel	*** OK Kuki *kalʾ, Luśei kalʾ, Anal kal- (p 257)	*** { 吵 chăo } Possibly contraction of VS 'cãicọ' { 吵架 chăojià }
rớt	fall	*** OK Kuki *klākʾ, Luśei tlākʾ, Biate, -klākʾ (p.257)	*** { 落 luò }, also, VS 'rơi'.
uống	drink	**** OK Kuki *in, Luśei in, Biate in, Purum in-, Kom -in- (pp. 257-258)	****** { 飲 yǐn } SV 'ẩm'
cừu	goat	**** V. trừu 'sheep', OK Kuki *kēl, Luśei kēl, Tśiru, Purum, Lnagong kel, Kom ke (p. 259), Luhupa Branch Maring, Ukhrul yaǒ (p. 312)	*** { 羭 yú }, (SV du) for VS 'trừu' (sheep) while *** { 羔 gāo }, possibly VS 'cừu'.
cồng	drum	**** OK Kuki *kʿuań, Luśei kʿuań, Tśiru, Lamgang kʿoń, Aimol kʿūwoń, Langrong -kʿ@ń, Hrangkhol kʿoń-, Kolhreng kʿūwoń, Kom kʿan (p. 260)	**** { 鼓 gǔ } SV 'cổ'
muốn	wish	*** OK Kuki *nuam, Luśei nuam, Aimol -nwom-, Langrong -n@m-, Hrangkhol pūn, Kolhreng -nūwom-, Kom -hnūm- (p. 260)	*** { 望 wàng } SV 'vọng', also, VS 'mong'
trai	masculine	*** OK Luśei tśal, Kom ma-tśe, Tśiru a-tsa (. p 261)	*** { 丁 dīng } SV 'đinh'.
rào	fence	*** OK Luśei pal, Kom ra-pe, Tśiru ra-pa (p. 261)	*** { 欄 lán }
dê	goat, wild goat	***** M yáng 羊 ịań || Burmish Lolo Nyi źo/, Ahi źu-, Lolopho ya/ (373), also O Bur. *-it, M Bur. tśʿit, Lolo Phumoi tsut, Akha tśʿi, Ulu tśʿyi (p. 372), OK Kukish *M-ya, Luśei, Mara sa-ya, Tlongsai s@-z@ (p. 266), also Kukish *yau, Meithlei yao (sheep) (p. 282), Kukish *me, Luśei me, Śandu mya (p. 269), Luhupa Branch Maram mi, Kwoireng, Khoirao -ka-mi (p. 307)	**** { 羊 yáng } SV 'dương', Tchiewchow /yẽw/. For Kukish *yau, Meithlei yao (sheep), compare SV 'mùi' wèi 未 (SV vị) as in the 12 animal Zodiac table)
nắng	sun	**** OK Kukish *k?-ni\, Luśei ni, Mara, Tlongsai, Hawthai nań (p. 267)	*** { 陽 yáng }
lật	turn over	*** OK Kukish *M-let, *let 'upside down', Luśei let, letʾ, Mara pa-li, li, (p. 269)	* { 翻 fān }
nhét	tack in	*** OK Kukish *yepʾ, Luśei zepʾ, Mara zi (p. 271)	**** { 間 jiàn }, also, VS 'chen'
kén	picky	**** OK Kukish *kʿiań, Luśei kʿiań, Tlongsai, Mara kʿ (p. 271)	**** { 揀 jiăn }
vượn	monkey	***** OK Kukish *-y@ń, Luśei z@ń, Tlongsai a-zeu, Miram -a-zau_ (p. 271), Meithlei yōm (p. 280), Luhupa Branch Maring yuń, Khoibu, Ukhrul, Phadang Kupome, Khunggoi, C. and N. Luhupa, Maram, Khoirao -yoń, Kwoireng -dźoń (pp. 296, 297)	**** { 猿 yuán }
hàn	solder	***** OK Kukish *hār, Luśei hār, Tlongsai h@- (p. 271)	**** { 焊 hán }
tên	arrow	***** OK Kukish *tʿal, Luśei tʿal, Sabeu tśa-tey (p. 272), Mikir tāl (p. 277)	**** { 箭 jiàn } SV 'tiễn'
tre	bamboo	**** OK Kukish *tśāl, Luśei tśāl, Hawthai -tśa, Sabeu -tśe (p. 272)	**** { 竹 zhú } SV 'trúc'
thúi	rot	***** OK Kukish *tʿu, Haka tu, Mara tu, Mikir tʿu (p. 277)	**** { 臭 chòu } SV 'xú'
đồn	be rumored	*** OK Kukish *tʿańʾ, Luśei tʿań, Mikir tʿań (rumor) (p. 277)	**** { 傳(聞) chuán(wén) }, also, VS 'ngheđồn'
cúi	bend down	**** OK Kukish *kūr, Luśei kūr, Mikir kur (p. 278)	*** { 局 jú } SV 'cục'
lưng	back	** OK Kukish *hnuń, Luśei hnuń, Mikir nuń (p. 278)	*** { (脊)梁 (jí)liáng }, also, 'sốnglưng'
dòng	water course	**** OK Kukish *duń, Luśei duń, Mikir doń (p. 278)	**** { 湧 yǒng }
trả(giá)	bargain	**** OK Kukish *d@r, Luśei d@r, Mikir dor-pet (p. 278)	**** { 討(價) tăo(jià) }, also, VS 'trảgiá'
trùn	worm	***** OK Kukish *til, Luśei til, Meithlei til (p. 279)	**** { 蟲 chóng } SV 'trùng', also, VS 'giun', 'sâu', 'sán'
phồng	swell	**** OK Kukish *puam, Luśei puam, Meithlei pom- (p. 284), Luhupa Branch Rong pǔm-byom (p. 319), M Bur pʿwamʾ, O Bod sbom-, Tśairelish Katśinish puam, Kadu pum (p. 411)	**** { 膨 péng }
sừng	horn	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-ń-r-ki, Luśei ki, Maring tśi, Khoibu, Khoirao -tśi, Phadang tśe, Kupome mă-tśew, Khunggoi-tśi, C. Luhupa -m-tśi, N. Luhupa (a)kă-tśü, Kabui tśai (p. 287)	*** { 角 jiăo }
dè	fear	*** Also 'sợ'. (See also cử, kỵ) Luhupa Branch Kukish *kri, Luśei ţi, Maring, Khunggoi, Mongsen tśi-, Ukhrul ńă-tśi, Phadang n-dźé, Tśangki tsắ- (p. 290), Tśungli -tso, Mongsen tsi-, also Tśangki tsê- (p. 305)	**** { 懼 jù }
hùm	tiger	**** Luhupa Branch Kukish hum, Maring hum-, Khoibu hom-, Khoirao -hu- (p. 300)	**** { 甝 hán } SV 'hàm' See 虎 hǔ (SV hổ): VS 'cọp'.
hành	onion	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *ho, Kupome, Maram, Kabui -hau (pp. 299, 300)	**** { 蔥 cōng }
trái	left	*** Luhupa Branch Hukish *t-p?-wei, Luśei vei-, Kupomr wai- (p. 307)	*** { 左 zuǒ }
hay	know	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *tʿeiʾ, Luśei tʿei-?, Kabui tai- (p. 308)	**** { 知 zhī }, cf. Hainanese /taj1/ }
chơi	play	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *tśai, Luśei tśai, Hlota tśa- (p. 310)	**** { 耍 shuă }, as in '玩耍 wánshuă' }
sôi	boil	**** Luhupa Branch Kukish *so, Luśei śo, Tśungli -so, Rong tsu (p. 311)	**** { 燒 shāo }
càocào	grasshopper	* Luhupa Branch Kukish *kʿau, Luśei kʿao, Ukhrul kʿaǒ, Imemai kʿ-to-zê, Zumoni tʿla-ku (p. 312)	*** { 蚱蜢 zhàměng }
làm	make, do	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *siam, Luśei śiam, Zumomi śi-, Tengima si- (p. 322), Burmish O Bur, M Bur. lup, N Bur. louʾ, Arak., Intha lot, Tavoy lauʾ, Samong lak (p. 361)	*** { 幹 gàn } (SV 'cán'), or *** { 勞 láo } (SV 'lao'), *** { 弄 nòng } (SV 'lụng'), depending on context, ex. 幹活 gànhuó: VS 'làmviệc' (work), 勞動 láodòng: VS 'làmlụng' (labor), 弄壞 nònghuài: VS 'làmhư' (cause broken)
dệt	weave	*** Burmish O. Bur. rak, M. Bur. rak, N. Bur. yeʾ, Intha yak, Danu yet, Tavoy yit (p. 346), Lolo Ahi ye\, Nyi ie-, Lolopho yi (p.370)	**** { 織 zhí }
bỗng	suddenly	*** Burmish M. Bur. pʿrut-, N. Bur. pʿyouʾ-, Lawng pyat ('fast') (p. 358)	**** { 勃 bó } cf. 勃然 bórán 'bỗngnhiên' ~ 'bỗngdưng' (out of a sudden)
dậy	stand up	*** Burmish O. Bur. ryap, M Bur. rap, N. Bur. yaʾ, Arak. yatʾ, Tavoy yat, Letśi, Tsaiwa yap (p. 359)	**** { 起 qǐ }. Also, 'dạy'
xong	complete	**** Burmish O Bur. tśum, M Bur. tśum, N Bur. soũ, Tavoy saũ (p. 361)	**** { 成 chéng }
cơm	food, cooked rice	*** Burmish Bur. *tśa-, M Bur. tśa, Lolo Nyi tsa-, Ahi tso- (p. 366)	*** { 膳 shān }. cf. 餐 cān (SV xán), 飯 fàn (phạn), VS 'bữa' (meal)
chó	dog	**** Burmish Bur. *kʿwi\, M Bur. kʿwe\, Lolo Phumoi, Akha kʿu\, Nyi, Lolopho tśʿə\ (p. 366)	**** { 狗 gǒu }
gai	thorn	** Burmish Bur. *tś(ʿ)o\, M Bur. tśʿu, Lolo Lolopho tśu (p.369)	**** { 莿 cì }
mặc	to dress	** Burmish Bur. *wat, M Bur. wat (p. 3371)	*** { 披 pì }, also, VS 'bận' (put on)
quay	spin	*** Burmish Bur. *wań, M Bur. wańʾ, Lolo Lolopho va (p. 373)	*** { 璇 xuán }
dẫn	lead, take by hands	***** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Ahom tśuŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tśuń, Shan suń (p. 489) || Burmish Lolo tsiń\, Ahi tsań\ (p. 374)	***** { 引 yǐn }
u	mother	*** Tśairelish Tśairel (a)-u, Mru u, Katśinish u ? (p. 391)	**** { 母 mǔ } .
hăm	twenty	** Tśairelish Katśinish m-kul, Andro hol, Sak hūn (p. 397)	*** { 廿 niàn }
non	young, soft	**** Tśairelish Katśinish -no, Kadu nu (p. 408)	**** { 嫩 nèn }
phun	sprinke	**** Tśairelish Katśinish pʿul, Kadu bun (p. 408)	**** { 噴 pèn }, also V 'bắn'
lăn	roll	**** Tśairelish Katśinish lum, Kadu lum- (p. 410)	*** { 輪 lún }, cf. VS 'lần' (times)
sạch	clean	*** OB seń-, Tśairelish Katśinish M-r-?-tʿiańʾ, Kadu seń (p. 411)	**** { 潔 jié }, from the compound 清潔 qīngjié where 清 can also be considered as a candidate. }
lá	leaf	**** OB lab-ma || W. Himal. lang. Kukish lap?, Bunan, Mantśti lab (p 138), Tśairelish Katśinish lap, Rawang -lāp, Khalang -lăp (p. 402), Mnyamskad lap-ti, West Himal. lab, Midźu, Kadu lap (p. 405), Luśei la, Karenic *hla\, Karenni lä, Pwo lə28, Sgaw lə7, Bwe lä7 (p. 414)	**** { 葉 yè }
vợ	wife	**** V 'mợ' | OB sna, O Bur. hna, Karenic *hma-, Karenni mä, Pwo mə38, Sgaw mā1, Bwe mäʾ (p. 414)	**** { 婦 fù }, also, VS 'bụa'
cọp	tiger	**** Old Burmese t-kei, Middle Burmese kya\ < *kla < *kī-la, Luśei -kei, Tśiru ă-kei, Mara tśa-kei, Meithlei kei, Mikir te-ke (pp.22-23), Southern Branch Kukish *t-kei, Luśei keiʾ, Thado -kei, Śiyang, Vuite kei (p. 248), Old Kukish Tśiru -kei, Amol ă-kei, Purum kei, Hrangkhol -gei, Hallam -ǐkei (p. 253), Old Kukish Mara tśa-kei, Tlongsai, Hawthai, Zotung kei (p. 268), Khami tă-kei, Mikir ta-ke (p. 277), Karenic Pwo -kʿē38_, Sgaw kʿē2, Bwe kʿe (p.416)	**** { 虎 hǔ }. See 甝 hán: VS 'hùm'
biển	sea	*** Also V bể | M. Bur. pań-lay, Karenic *pań, Pwo pə9-lai28, Sgaw pä7-lâ7, p@7-lâ7 (pp. 416, 418)	**** { 海 hăi } SV 'hải', also, VS 'khơi'
gò	hill, mound	*** M qīu 丘 kʿu, M xū 虛 kʿǒ-, Siamese kʿo/ (p.44) | M. Bur. ko, Luśei ko, Karenic *kʿo\, Pwo kʿo28 (p. 416)	**** { 丘 qīu }, also, *** { 虛 xū } ( SV hư)
mợ	mother	**** OB mo, Karenic *mo\, Pwo mo5, Sgaw mo8 (p. 416)	**** { 母 mǔ } Also: 'mẹ', 'me'. 'mợ' in V also means 'maternal uncle's wife', a short form equivalent to C 舅母 jìumǔ. }
cổ	throat	*** OB lkog-ma || A W. Bod. Sbalti rkox | Karenic *gok, Pwo kʿǒʾ1, Sgaw kǒ4 (p. 417)	**** { 喉 hóu }
mơ	dream	**** OB rmań-lam, M Bur. mak, Kukish mań || OT Bod. lang. Rgyarong (rta)-rmo (E.) (p. 121) | Northern Assam Taying ya-mo (p. 190), Miśing, Abor ma(ń), Yano -m@, E. Nyising -ma, Tagen m@-na (p. 196), Burmish O Bur. ʿip-mak, N. Bur. meʾ, Lawng -m@ (p. 346) | Luśei mań, Karenic *mańʾ, Pwo -meʾ3, Sgaw -m@8, Taungthu -mań, Paku -mo5, Geba, Bwe -ma2, Yinbaw -mańn (pp. 418, 419)	**** { 夢 mèng }, also, VS 'mộng'.
nhớ	remember	**** Karenic Paku -no4, Bwe, Geba -ne2, Nuku -ne\¯ (p. 419)	**** { 憶 yì }
lồn	vagina	* Karenic Paku li5, Bwe ¢li2, Geba a2li2, Taungyi lịn, Thaton lịn2 (p. 419)	**** { 陰 yīn }, as in 女陰 nǚyīn
cặt	penis	** OB mdźe- || A W. Bob. Sbalti dźe- (p. 81)	**** { 鳩 jīu }, also, dialectal forms: *** { 龜 guī }, *** { 屌 diăo }, etc. }
ngón	toe	*** OB mdzug-gu, O Bur. *m-yuń, Luśei zuń, Khimi mă-zuń, Maring, Phadang m-yuń, Tśangli me-yon, Maring ma-tin (p. 44) || A W. Bod. Burig źūʿ (p. 81), Central Branch Kukish *m-yuń, Kapwi -uń (p. 240) | also OB bran-mo, West Himalayish languages Thebor brań, Suntśu bran-tś, Kanauri prat-ts, Mantśati bren-ze (p. 136), Southern Branch Thado -yuń, Ralte zuń, Śiyang -zyum, Vuite zuń- (p. 247), Luhupa Branch -ma-yuń, Ukhrul yuń-, Kupome -yuń-, Kwoireng, Kabui -dźuń, Empeo dźuń- (p. 316), Hlota -ioń-, Tśungli me-yoń, Mongsen -mi-yuń (p. 318), Rengma dźoń-u (p. 320), Tśairelish Katśinish m-yuń, Kadu l-iūń (p. 410) | Also: 'finger' Karenic Geba -nõ1, Naku -no¯, Yinbaw -nou1, Taungyi -noń2, Thaton -noń3 (p. 420)	** {尖 ​jiān }, probaly a contracted form of 指尖 zhǐ​jiān.
đá	stone	*** OB rdo || A W. Bob. rdo-, Burig rdǒa (p. 80), Ladwags rdo (p. 85), Eastern dialects Amdo ʾdo (p.108) | Karenic Paku lö5, Bwe, Geba lo2, Nuku loʾ\¯ (p.420)	**** { 石 shí, dàn }
cứt	dung, feces, excrement	*** M shǐ 屎 tśi, OB ltśi-ba (p. 59), skyi-bskyis, Siamese kʿī\2, M. Bur. kʿye\, Dimaras kʿi, Katśin kʿyi (p.44), Burmish Bur. *kʿyi\, Lolo Ahi kʿi\, Nyi tśʿə\, Lolopho tśʿə¯ (p. 366) | Karenic Sgaw kʾī2- (p. 421)	**** { shǐ 屎 }
cong	crooked	**** M Bur. kwań\, OB koń (p.46), Old Kukish Kuki *-koi, Luśei koi, Biate koi (p. 255), Meithlei -kʿoi- (p. 282) | Baric Dimasa goń, Garo goń-, Namsangia -kuań (p 427)	**** { 弓 gōng } SV 'cung' (also, 'bow')
cắn	bite	**** O Bur. *m-kei3, Ukhrul -mă-kei, Khadang n-ki, Khunggoi ma-ka-, kabu kai-, Maram ma-ke, Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-kei, Luśei keiʾ, Maring kă-mei, Phadang -n-ki-, Khunggoi ma-ka-, Maram ma-ke-, Kwoireng ma-ki, Kabui kai-, Khoirao n-kei-, Empeo n-ki (p. 308) | Baric Wanang, Atong kak-, Tingtikiya kań-(na), Ruga, Rabha kak-, (p. 427) Mośang kok, Namsangia kak- (p. 444)	**** { 啃 kěn }
cằm	chin	**** Luśei kʿa, Karenic *kʿa\, Pwo kʿə28-lə1, Sgaw kʿə7, Bwe kʿä2 (p. 414) | Baric Dimasa kʾu-sga, Namsangia kaʾ, Banbara ka (jaw), Tśang kau-śań (p 427)	**** { 頷 hàn }
quạ	crow	**** OB kʿwa-ta, Baric Garo, Bodo, Metś, Tipora, Dimasa, Namsangia -kʿa (p. 427)	**** { 鴉 yā }
mặt	face	**** Southern Kukish Kukish *hmai, Luśei hmai, Khimi -mai (p. 207), Central Branch Haka hmai-, Śonśe hmai, Bandźogi mai (p. 230), Kapwi mai- (p. 239), Southern Branch Thado mai, Śiyang, Vuite mai (p.246), Northern Branch Thanphum -hmai, Matupi m(ə)hūt (p. 251), Luhupa Branch Marin, Ukhrul, Phadang mai, Kupome, Khunggoi mai1, Hlota -mʿa, Tśungli, Mongsen ma (p. 310), and most of the Old Kukish languages show the articulation of either /hmai/ or /mai/ (p. 253), Meithlei mai (p. 282) | Baric Garo mik-kʿań, Bodo mă-kʿań, Metś mu-kʿań, Tipora, Dimasa mu-kʿāń (p. 427)	**** { 面 miàn }
cắp	steal	*** OB rku, Burmese kʿui\, Baric Mosang a-gu, Namsangia hu-, Angwangku ku, Tśang kok (p. 428)	*** { 竊 qiè }
cánh	wing	*** N. Assam Midźu kloń (M), Meyöl (p. 185) | Baric Garo grań, Tipora -kra (feather), Metś grań, Dimasa -gă-rań (feather), Wanang ka-rań, Mośang wu-roń, Banpara rań (p 428)	** { 胳 gé }
sống	live, alive, raw, green	***** OB gson || A W. Bod. xson-, Burig son (p. 78) | Bur. hrań (live, to be alive), Kukish -hriń\, Baric Bodo, Metś tʿań, Dimasa, Lalung tʿań, Garo -tʿań, gi-tiń (unripe, green), Wanang -tiń (raw), Mośań -tʿiń (unripe), Namsangia -hiń (green, raw), Thebor -siń (live), Kanauri śöń (alive, to live), Mantśti sriń (live, living), Katśinish kă-siń (raw, not ripe) (p.436)	**** { 生 shēng } SV 'sanh', also, interestingly, 'tái' (raw), 'đẻ', cf. Hainanese /tje1/ (give birth), ex. 生產 shēngchăn: SV 'sanhsảnh' = 'sanhđẻ'.
xơi	eat	**** OB dgu, M Bur. tśa\ || W. C E. Himal. lang. Khambu tśa, Kulung, Waling, Kiranti tśo, Limbu tśe (p. 146) | Baric Garo tśaʾ-5, Abeng tśa-ʾ, Dacca tśa-, Wanang sa-, Atong saʾ-, Tintikiya, Rabha sa-, Ruga si-, Kontś sa, Bodo zaʾ-, Metś dźa-, Dimasa dźi, Tipora tśa-, Lalung, Mośang sa, Tśang śsau- (pp. 436, 437)	**** { 食 shí } cf. Cant /sik8/
làng	village	**** Baric Tśang sāń (p437)	**** { 鄉 xiāng }
khói	smoke	*** OB kʿu (NNW), M Bur. -kʿui\, Luśei -kʿu (p. 59) || Kukish *m-kʿru, Bur. -kʿui\, Diamasa -kʿu-di, Katśin -kʿru (p.44) || West Himalayish languages Bunan, Thebor kʿu (p. 132), other Bod. languages Rgyarong -kʿu (p. 120), Meithlei -kʿu (p. 280), Luhupa Branch, Holta -kʿu, Tśungli, Mongsen -kʿo-1, Khari k-ü, Maring kʿu, Ukhrul kʿut, Phadang -kʿut, Khunggoi -kʿu, Dayang -kʿu (pp. 305, 306), Burmish Bur. *kʿui\, Lolo Akha kʿo\, Nyi kʿə\, Ahi kʿö\, Ulu kʿö, Wei-ning kʿü (p. 368) | Baric Garo, Tipora, Muthun -kʿu, Dimasa -kʿu-di, Atong -kʿu-si, Mośang -kru (p. 441)	**** { 汽 qì }
cú	owl	**** V cũ 'old', M jìu 舊 gǔ\ (Chin. mordern 'old', it is interesting see the phonetic resemblance in both words.), M Bur. ku, Luśei *ku, Siamese, Lao go^ (p. 60) | Baric Garo, Bodo, Metś, Tipora, Dimasa, Namsangia -kʿudu (p. 427) || other Bod. languages Rgyarong -kʿu (p. 120) | Baric Tipora, Bodo, Metś -kʿu (p. 441)	**** { 舊 jìu } SV 'cựu', also, 'cũ' (inanimate - old)
mây	cloud, fog	*** OB rmugs-pa || N. Ass. Miśing d@-muk, Yano d@-mök, Tagen d@-möʾ (p. 200), Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-mei, Luśei -mei, Maring ră-mai (p. 308), Tśairelish Tśairel mai, Kaśatsinish t?-mei (p. 391) | Kukish t?-mei, Baric Tśang sań-mei (p. 442)	*** { 雲 yún }
xương	bone	** OB rus-pa | OT Bod. lang. Rgyarong śa-ru (E.), śarhu (H.) p. 120), || West Central and East Himalayish Bahing rö-sye, Sunwari ru-śe, Tśaurasya ru-su, Dumi sa-lu < *sa-ru, Khaling so-lo, Rodong sa-ru-wa, Karanti sa-i-ba, Waling sa-iwa, sa-rʿ-wa, Rungtśh sa-yu-ba, yu-ba, (p. 148), Karenic Paw tświ28, Sinhma, Tangthu -swi (p.423) | Baric Garo greń, Wanang, Atong, Ruga kereń, Bodo, Metś -geń, Dimasa -gereń (446) | OB rus-, Kukish r2us, Bur. ʿă-rui\, Katśin nrut (Shafer: "No single explanation will account for all the irregularities. In the word for "bone" rus appears to be from ru-sá, primitively in a compound, as indicated by Bahing (E. Him.) rö-sye, but with the elements of the compound reversed in some of the other languages where the root has no final -s: Rgyarong śa-ru Rawang śă-rä < *-ru."), (p. 443)	** { 腔 qiāng } SV 'xoang'
cành	branch, fork	*** M gé 格 *kāk, M Bur. kʿak (p. 72), Luhupa Branch Kukish *kāk, Luśei kāk, Zumoni -kü-ba (p. 320) | Kukish kāk, Baric Mośang -kāk, Ka. lă-ga (p. 444)	**** { 格 gé } (cf. 胳 gé: VS 'cánh' )
quạt	fan	** OK Kukish *yāpʾ, Luśei zāpʾ, Mikir hi-zāpʾ (p. 277) | OB -yab, Burmese yab, Kukish ʿyāp, Baric Banpara rań zep, Tśang wän yep (p. 445)	** { 颳 guā } (SV quát)
chí, chấy	louse	**** OB śig || W. Himal. lang. Kukish hrig, Bunan śrig, Thebor śi, Kanauri rik (p. 135) | Baric Garo tik, Dimasa tʿi-pu, tʿi-ku, Mośang tik, Tipora mok-ol, Bodo meg-an (p. 445)	**** { 蝨 shī }, also, **** { 虱 shī }.
mắt	eye	**** M mù 目 muk, OB mig, M Bur. myak (myuk), Luśei mit (pp. 36-39) || Eastern dialects Khams mig (p. 112), Dwags mig (p. 115), W. Himal. lang. Kukish mik', Bunan mig, Thebor mi, Kanauri migʾ (p. 138), West Central and East Himalyish Raling, Kiranti mak, Dumi mik-, ma- (p. 153), Northern Assam Midźu miʾ (p. 181), Southern Kukish Kukish *mik', Śo miʾ (p. 220), Southern Branch Kukish *mik', Luśei mit, Thado mit, Ralte, Vuite mit-, Śiyang miţ' (p.246), Old Kukish Kuki *mik', Tśiru mik, Aimo, Purum, Langrong, Hallam mit, Hrangkhol mīń (p. 257), Mikir mek, Ukhrul mk (p. 178), Luhupa Maring mit, Ukhrul mik, Maram -mek, Kabui hmik, Empeo -mik, Hlota -mʿyek (p. 316) | Braic Garo mik-ron, Dacca muk-ruń, Wanang mək-kər, Atong mik-ren, Rabha muk-en, Ruga mul-um, Metś ʿmo-gon, Konts muk-un, Mośang, Tśangge mak, Muthun mik, Banpara mit, Mulung mit (p. 445)	**** { 目 mù }. cf. Viet. "conmắt" )
ngáy	snore	** O Bur. *m-hnār, Luśei hnār, Mara pa-hn@, E. Mikir iń-nar, Mikir iń-ńar (by assimilation) (pp. 25-27), OK Kukish *m-hnār, Luśei hnār, Mara pa-hn@ (p. 271), E. Mikir iń-nar, Miker iń-ńar (p. 277) | Bodish ńug, Kukish -ńūk, Gtsang nug, Baric Tśang ńak-(ńak) (pp. 428, 445)	** { 鼾 hān }
nai	deer	**** Old Kukish Kuki *ŋai, Luśei sa-ŋai, Tśiru, Aimol, Purum, Kolhreng, Kom să-ŋai, Lamgang -să-ŋai (p. 253), Kukish *ńai, Meithlei să-ńai (p. 179), Luhupa Branch Maring să-ŋai, Ukhrul sa-ŋai (p. 309) Baric Dimasa mi-śai, Tipora mu-sai, Banpara mai (p. 447)	** { 鹿 lù }
trâu	buffalo	*** Northern Assam Miśinguish Midźu tăloi (p. 182), Old Kukish Kukish *loi, Luśei loi, Meithlei i-roi (p. 282) | Burmese kywai < *klwai, Megyaw ka-lui, Siamese gwāy, Baric Banpara lui, Kaśatsinish ńa-loi (p. 447)	**** { 丑 chǒu } (SV sửu), cf. 牛 níu (SV ngưu) VS 'ngầu', modern C 水牛 shuǐníu (SV thuỷngưu) VS 'trâunước' (wter buffallo)
ai	me (I)	*** Luhupa Branch Kukish *ʾei, Phadang i, Kupome ai, Khunggoi ei3 (p. 307) | Baric Garo ańa, Bodo, Metś ań < *áńa (p. 447)	*** { 俺 ăn }
dày	thick	*** OK Kukish *tʿsaʾ, Luśei tʿsaʾ, Mara tʿsa (p. 266) | Baric Namsangia -tat (fat), Angwanku dʒei, Phom dʒet (p. 448)	*** { 厚 hòu }
chín	ripe	** Baric Namsangia tśum, Muthun, Banpara dźum, Lulung yim, Angwanku e-dźim, Tśang săm- (p. 448)	** { 熟 shú, also, VS 'rục' }
lấy	take	**** Minor group Newari lā- (p.158) | Southern Kukish Khimi lau < *lo (p. 207), Southern Branch Kukish *laʾ, Luśei lākʾ, Thado laʾ, Ralte -la-, Śiyang la, Vuite -la- (p.246) || Also Luhupa Branch Kukish *lo\, Luśei lo, Maram, Kwoireng lo-, Kabui lao, Khoirao lau-, Empeo lu-, Zumomi lu-, Dayang lu, Tengima le, Tśakrima le- (p. 299), Tśairelish Katśingish lo, Kadu lu, Rawang lu (p. 404) | Baric Mośang lu (seize), Namsangia lu- (catch), (pp. 435, 441) | (Haudricourt) Daic Shan lăy, Siamese ʾtai, Lao, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi day, Sui, Mak ʔday, Bê zɔy (p. 459)	**** { 拿 ná }, Cant. /lo3/
bản	village	*** Also V 'buôn' | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾpān, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung, Tho bān, Ahom, Dioi ban (p. 260)	*** { 畈 fàn } SV 'phiến', ex. 白水畈 Baishuifan Village in Hubei, for contraction of *** { 版納 bǎnnà }, ex. 西雙版納 Xīshuāngbǎnnà Xishuangbanna Toenship in Yunnan. cf. Modern C 寨 zhài (SV trại), ex., 壯族寨 Zhuàngzúzhài (Zhuang village) in Guangxi Province.
chết	die	** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese grak, Lao, Shan khok, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc tśok (p. 260)	*** { 死 sǐ } SV 'tử'
đái	urinate	**** M niào 尿 nīau\, Siamese yīyěw, Lao ńyəw_^, ńiew (p. 65) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese yīewʾ, Lao, Dioi ñiew, Ahom ñew, Shan yew, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak new (pp. 463, 464)	**** { 尿 niào } SV 'niệu', also, VS 'tiểu'
nàng	young girl, woman	***** (young girl) (Haudricourt) Viet. 'nàng', Chin. 娘 nāń (M. niáng), Daic Siamese hñiń, Lao -ñiŋ, Ahom ñüń, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho ñiŋ (pp. 464, 473), (as woman) Daic Siamese nāŋ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung nāń (p. 464)	****** { 娘 niáng }, also, VS 'nạ' (mother)
ngoài	outside	***** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese naak, Lao, Shan, nɔk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc nɔʔ, Tho, Nung nɔk (p. 464)	****** { 外 wài }
bông	flower	**** OB buń, M Bur. -pwańʾ || W. C E. Himal. lang. Thulung buńʾ, Tśaurasya, Waling, Balali, Vayu buń, Rungtśh, Kiranti buń-, Limbu, Yakha pʿuń (p. 146, 147), Southern Kukish Kukish *pār, Luśei pār, Śo ba (p. 220), OK Mara p@, Tlongsai p@-, Śandu pa (p. 271), Luhupa Branch Maring, Khibu, Ukhrul pār, Khoirao pān, Empeo -pa, Tśungli -ben, Rong -bor (p. 287), Khoireng -pen (p. 324), Tśairelish Katśinish pār, Kadu pan (p. 409) | Baric Garo bal, Metś -bar, Tśutiya i-ba, Wanang par, Atong pal-wa (V 'bônghoa?), Tintikiya par, Ruga pal, Rabha par, Katśinish pan (p. 427) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese taak, Lao dɔk, Shan mɔk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc bɔʔ, Nun bɔk, Dioi doʔ (p. 468)	**** { 葩 pā }
ôm	hug	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʿʔum, Sui, Mak ʔum, Lao, Shan, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc um, Nung op (p. 468, 492)	**** { 擁 yǒng } SV 'ủng', ex. 擁抱 yǒngbào: VS 'ômbồng' }
lừa	mule	***** Burmish M. Bur. la\, Lolo Ahi lo\, Nyi la-, Lolopho lo (p. 379) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, ay Noir la, Tay Blanc, Nung ʿlɔ, Tho _lɔ (p. 468)	****** { 驢 lǚ }
ngựa	horse	*** OK Kuki *kor, Luśei -kor, Tśiru, Prum -koŕ, Aimol, Langrong, Hrangkhol -kor (p. 259) | (SV ngọ), (Haudricourt) Chin. 午 wǔ, Daic Lao səńə, Tay Blanc sańa, Dioi sa, Mak ńo (p. 471)	**** { 午 wǔ } SV 'ngọ'
ná	crossbow	***** SV nỏ, M nú 弩 no/, Siamese, Lao nā\1, mai2 (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Khmer sna, Daic Siamese *sna?3, Lao ʿhna, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc Tho, Nung, na, Sui nha, Cao-lan nɯ, Dioi nɯə (p. 471)	****** { 弩 nú }
phải	right side	* (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, khwa, Cao-lan, Dioi kwa, Sui fa, pha (p.472)	*** { 右 yòu } SV 'hữu'
qua	pass	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 過 kwa\ (M guò), Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Cao-lan, Bê kwa (p.472)	**** { 過 guò }
dưa	melon	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. 瓜 guă (M guā), Daic Siamese, Cao-lan, Mak, Bê kwa (p.472)	**** { 瓜 guā }
(đo)đạc	measure	**** V 'đo' | (Haudricourt) Chin. 度 dāk (M dù), Daic Lao _thāk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi taʔ, Tho, Nung tāk, Cao-lan, Bê kwa (p.472)	**** { 度 dù } SV 'độ'
gang	iron core	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'gang', Chin. 鋼 kāng (M gāng), Daic *khāŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Nung khāń, Tho qhāń, Dioi hāń, Mak kāń (p.473)	**** { 鋼 gāng }
mõng	thin	*** (Haudricourt) Viet 'mongmanh' (?), Daic Siamese pāŋ, Lao bāń, Ahom bāŋ, Shan māń, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung bāŋ, Sui, Mak ʔbāŋ, Bê beań (p. 473)	*** { 單 dān }
rộng	wide	** M guăng 廣 kwāng/, Siamese kwāń2\ (p.46)| (Haudricourt) Chin. 廣 kwāń/, Daic Siamese ʾkwāŋ, Lao, Shan Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kwāń, Ahom kwāń, Dioi kwāńʾ (p. 474)	**** { 廣 guăng } SV 'quảng'
ma	ghost	* (Haudricourt) Daic Nung mań, Sui, Cao-lan nāń, Dioi fāń (p. 474)	***** { 魔 mó }
màng	bamboo screen	*** (Haudricourt) Viet 'mang, bań, muong' (?) (not sure what is being referred to. ) Daic Dioi rań, Sui, Mak nāń (p. 474)	**** { 網 wăng }, also, VS 'mùng', 'màn'
mắng	reprimand	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Lao hmāŋ, Ahom, Tay Noir māń, Dioi mań (p. 474)	**** { 罵 mà }
cải	mustard	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. 芥 kaiʾ < *kāts? (M jiè), Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kāt, Dioi kat, Sui qāt, Mak kāt (p. 475)	**** { 芥 jiè }
cần	pole	**** SV 'cán' | (Haudricourt) Chin. 杆 kān (M gàn), Daic Siamese ʾkān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung kăn (p. 475)	**** { 杆 gàn } SV 'cán'
than	coal	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. thān- 炭 (M tān), Viet. than, Daic Siamese thānʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung thān, Dioi tan (p. 476)	****** { 炭 M tān }
bằng	equal	***** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Blanc pān (p. 476)	****** { 平 píng } SV 'bình'
bàn	table	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. bān- 盤 (M pán), Daic Shan ʿpān, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak pān, Dioi pan (p. 476)	**** { 案 àn } is more plausibly cognate to VS 'bàn' (table, desk, altar) than to denote disk-like ojbects such as ***** { 盤 pán } SV 'bàn' for VS 'mâm' (tray, plate, disk. pan) that mostly appear in compounds such as 石盤 shípán: SV 'bànthạch' (stone panel), 磨盤 mópán: VS 'bànmài' (millstone), 秤盤 chēngpán (steelyard pan), 一盤蔡 yìpáncài: VS 'một mâmcơm' (a tray of food), 下一盤棋 xià yī pánqí: VS 'chơi một váncờ' (play a round of checker game)
màn	curtain	**** M màn 幔 mān\, Siamese, Lao mān\1 (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese mānʾ, Shan ʿpān, Tho, Nung mān (p. 476)	**** { 幔 màn }
dạn	brave	*** (Haudricourt) Daic *ŋhān, Siamese hān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir hān (p. 476)	**** { 敢 găn } SV 'cảm'. See 'dám' (daring).
dám	gall, courage	**** M dăn 膽 tăm-, Siamese, Lao tām\ (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. dám, Daic *ʔyāmʾ2, Tay Noir -yāmʾ, Tay Blanc yām (p. 478)	**** { 膽 dăn } SV 'đảm'. See 'dạn'
yên	saddle	***** M ān 鞍 ʿān-, Siamese ʿān (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'yên', Daic Siamese ʔān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak ān, Dioi an, Bê iên (p. 477)	***** { 鞍 ān }
ngáp	yawn	**** M hā 哈, OB hă, M Bur. Ha (pp. 42-43) | (Haudricourt) Viet. ngáp, Daic *ŋāp, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung ńāp, Dioi ńap (p. 477)	*** { 哈 hā } SV 'cáp': VS 'ngáp', probably a contraction of the binome '哈欠 hāqiān'.
chàm	indigo	**** M lán 藍 lām-, OB rams, Siamese grām (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'chàm', Daic Lao khām, Shan, Nung kham (p. 260), Mak, Li lām (p. 477)	**** { 藍 lán } SV 'lam'
cam	orange	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. kām 柑 (M gān), Daic *kām, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kām, Dioi kam (p. 477)	***** { 柑 gān }
đặt	to place	**** (Haudricourt) Daic *dăt, Lao _thăt, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tăt (p. 479)	*** { 置 zhí } VS 'trí'
cắt	cut	**** OB btśad || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla tśa (p. 117) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi, Mak kăt, Li hăt (p. 456). Also, SV cát, Chin. kat 割 (M gé) Daic *geet, Lao khɛt, Ahom kit, Shan, Nung kɛt (pp. 496, 480)	****** { 割 gé } SV 'cát'
ván	board	**** SV 'biển', (Haudricourt) Viet. 'ván', Chin. pen/ 扁 (M pián), Daic Siamese ʾpeen, Lao pɛn, Ahom piñ, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blac, Nung, Tho pɛn (p. 496)	**** { 扁 pián } SV 'biển': also, VS 'bảng' associated with ***** { 板 băn } SV 'bản'
én	swallow	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. ʾen\ 燕 (M yàn), Daic Siamese ʔeenʾ, Lao, Tho, Nung ɛn, Mak ēn, Bê ean (p. 496)	****** { 燕 yàn }
hồn	spirits	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. ,gəun 魂 (M hún), Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung khwăn, Tay Blanc qhwăn, Mak kwăn, Dioi hwen (p. 480)	***** { 魂 hún }
tốt	good	*** Old Kukish Kuki *pʿra, Luśei tʿa, Tśiru, Kom, Langang, Anal -ţʿa, Aimol, Hallam, Kolhreng -sa, Purum -ŕa, Langrong ţʿa, Biate tʿa- (pp. 261, 262) | Daic Siamese ti, Lao, Ahom di, Shan li, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi di, Tho dei, Nung dăy (p. 483)	**** { 德 dé } SV 'đức'
khép	close the eyes	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese hlăp, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung lăp, Sui khăp (p. 466), Mak lăp, Li ńyăp (p. 482)	*** { 合 hé } SV 'hạp', also, SV 'cáp'. cf. 捭合 bàihé: VS 'khépmở' (open and close)
cầm	hold	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese krām, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc kăm, Nung kam, Sui ʔñăm, Mak ñăm (p. 482)	***** { 擒 qín }
đâm	stab	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. /ɗâm/, Daic Siamese tām, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc kăm, Tho, Nung tăm, Dioi tam (p. 482)	****** { 捅 tǒng }
nước	water	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾnām, Shan, Sui, Mak nam, Lao, Tho, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi, Mak năm, Nung ram, Bê nɔm, Li nom, nəm (p. 482)	**** { 水 shuǐ }, cf. VietMuong 'dak' ~ 'nák' ~ 'nước' (water). Also, the **** is for /nam/.
gừng	ginger	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. gừng, Chin. kiang 薑 (M jiāng), Daic Siamese, Ahom khiŋ, Lao, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir khiń, Tay Blanc qhiń, Dioi hiń, Li khuəń (p. 482)	****** { 薑 jiāng }
đây	here	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. đây, Daic Siamese di, Lao thi, Ahom, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi ti, Mak day (p. 484)	*** { 此 cǐ }
này	this	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. này, Daic Siamese ʾni, Lao Ahom, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc ni, Dioi nayʾ, Mak nay (p. 484)	*** { 這 zhè }, cf. Huế dialect /ni/
chịu	endure	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. chịu, Chin. ʿźiəu 受 (M shòu), Daic *dźiw, Lao, Tay Blanc tśiu, Tay Noir, Nung -'tśiu (p. 487)	**** { 受 shòu }
guốc	sabot	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Tho, Dioi kip, Wou-ming klip, Sui ʔdyāp, Mak zip, Bê zyap, Li lap (p. 487)	*** { 屐 jī }
xếp	to fold	**** M dié 疊 dep, OB ldeb-pa, Siamese d@p | OB lteb-, Eastern dialects Amdo hteb- (p. 108) | M zhé 摺 tśīp, Siamese, Lao tśīp_ (p.67) | also (Haudricourt) Viet. 'chiếp' (?), Daic Siamese, Lao tśip, Mak sip (p. 487)	**** { 疊 dié }
bít	to clog	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Tay Blanc, Tho, Dioi ɓit, Nung bet, Bê mɯt (p. 486)	**** { 蔽 bì } as in 蒙蔽 méngbì (VS bưngbít). 閉 bì SV 'bế'
đất	earth	*** Luhupa Branch *k-m-deʾ, Kwoirng kă-d-di, Kabui kă-n-di, Khoirao n-dʿa, Empeo go-dei (p. 307) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese tin, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc din, Li den, Shan lin (p. 259), Tho, Nung ɗin (p. 486)	**** { 土 tǔ } (soil), also, 地 dì (earth), 田 tián (land) }
độc	poisson	***** M dú 毒 duok, M Bur. tok (p. 51), OB drug, dug (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese tuk, Lao, Tay noir, Tho ɗuk (p. 486)	**** { 毒 dú }, also, VS 'nọc'
vũng	pool	**** (Haudricourt) Daic *puŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho ɓuń, Ahom ɓuŋ, Tay Blanc buń (p. 489)	*** { 汪 wàng } SV 'vượng'
muống	water spinach	**** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾpuŋ, Lao, Nung, Tho ɓuń,Tay Blanc buń, Mak muń (p. 489)	**** { 蓊 wēng } as in *** { 蓊菜 wēngcài } VS 'raumuống'
đũa	chopsticks	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. d'ịʷo\ 箸 (M zhú), Daic Siamese thu', Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Blanc thu (p. 488)	****** { 箸 zhú }
quen	familiar	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. kʷan' 慣 M guàn, Daic Siamese gǔn, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung kun (p. 491)	**** { 慣 guàn } SV 'quán'. Ex. VS 'thóiquen' (habit)
sửng	lofty	**** as in 'sừngsững' (Haudricourt) Chin. suń- 嵩 M sōng, Daic *ñuŋ, Siamese, Ahom suŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho suń (p. 490)	*** { 嵩 sōng }
dứt	finish	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Tay Blanc sut, Shan shut, Dioi sat (p. 490)	*** { 止 zhǐ } SV 'chỉ'
vịt	duck	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. vịt, Daic Dioi pit, Mak bit (p. 493)	** { 鴨 yā } SV 'áp'
tai	ear	** M dā 耷 tāp (big ear), Siamese, Lao tūp_ (pendant ears) (p. 71) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi ta, Tho tha, Nung ha (p. 456), Also: Viet. 'say' (?), tai, *tśru Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc hu, Tho su, Nung khyu, Cao-lan lɯ Sui qha, Mak tśha, Bê sa, Li say (p. 488)	** { 耷 dā }
trẻ	children	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese těk, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi ta, Tho tha, Nung ha (p. 456), Also: Viet. 'say' (?), tai, *tśru Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay blanc, Tho ɗek (p. 492)	**** { 稚 zhì } SV 'trĩ'
sắt	iron	***** OB ltśags || A W. Bod. Sbalti ltśak, Burig stśaK- (p. 80), Northern Assam Meyöl tśāk (p. 179) | SV thiết, (Haudricourt) Chin. thet 鐵 (M tiě), Daic Siamese hltěk, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung lek, Sui śet, Sek mliek (p. 492)	****** { 鐵 tiě }, also VS 'thép'
xe	carriage	***** (Haudricourt) Daic Tay Noir, Tho, Nung sɛ, Tay Blanc tshɛ, Dioi śie (p. 494)	****** { 車 chē } SV 'xa'
(bồng)bế	carry	**** N. Ass. Midźu ba (N),Taying ba (N) (p. 186), E. Nyising bü (p. 194) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese peek, Lao ɓɛk, Shan mɛk, Tay Noir, Tay Blac ɓɛʔ, Tho bɛk (p. 494)	**** { 抱 bāo } VS 'bồng', also, VS 'bế', cf. Hainanese /boŋ2/.
đỏ	red	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese teeŋ, Lao, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak ɗɛń, Ahom, Dioi diń, Shan leń, Li tlɛń (p. 495)	*** { 彤 tóng }
bánh	cake, pastry	***** M bǐng 餅 pīń/, Siamese pēń\2 (meal, flour), Lao pēń\ (cake, bread) (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Viet. bánh, Daic Siamese ʾpeeŋ, Lao pɛń, Ahom piŋ, Shan, Tho, Nung pɛń, Mak văń, Bê ɓiń (p. 495)	****** { 餅 bǐng } SV 'bính'
sáng	distinct, bright	*** OB gsal-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti xsal- (p. 78) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese seeŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc sɛń, Ahom siŋ, Shan shɛń (p. 495)	**** { 亮 liàng }. Actually in Chinese there many words that are cognate to VS 'sáng' depending on the context, for example, 天亮 tiānliàng: VS 'trờisáng' (bright sky), 早晨 zăochén: VS 'sángsớm' (dawn), etc.
thêm	add	***** M tiān 添 tʿem_, Siamese, Lao tʿem2/ (p.45) | (Haudricourt) Chin ʿthem-, Daic Siamese theem, Lao, Tho, Nung, Dioi tem (p. 497)	****** { 添 tiān } SV 'thiêm'.
chèo	row	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. dʿău\ 棹 (M zhuó), Viet. 'chèo', Daic Siamese tśew, Lao, Tay Blanc. Tho _tśew (p. 497)	**** { 棹 zhuó } SV 'trảo'.
mèo	cat	****** M māo 貓 mịau-, Siamese, Lao měw (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Chin mău-, Viet. meo, Daic Siamese meew, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, mɛw, Dioi mew (p. 497)	****** { 貓 māo } SV 'miêu'
rồi	already, finished	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. liau/ 了 (M liăo) , Daic Siamese ʾleew, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho, Mak lew (pp. 497, 498)	**** { 了liăo } SV 'liễu'.
thêu	embroid	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. thêu, Daic Lao sewʾ, Shan shew, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi sew (pp. 497, 498)	****** { 繡 xīu } SV 'tiêu'.
eo	waist, loins, middle part	***** M yāo 腰 ịau-, Siamese ěw, Lao ěw/ (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʔeew, Lao, Tay Blanc ɛw (pp. 497, 498)	**** { 腰 yāo } SV 'yêu'.
giấy	paper	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. thêu (?), Daic *ʿtśīye, Lao tśīye, Shan shew, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi sew (p. 498)	**** { 紙 zhǐ } SV 'chỉ'.
thiếc	tin	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. thiếc, Chin. sek 錫 (M xì), Daic *ʿthrīyek, Lao hiek, Shan hêk, Tay Blanc heʔ, Tho thiek, Nung sek, Mak sik, Bê tek, Cao Lan lek, Dioi rieʔ (p. 498)	**** { 錫 xì } SV 'tích'.
giêng	first month	**** M zhèng 正 śīń, Lao tśyəń (tśień) (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Viet. giêng, Chin. tśiń-, Daic *tśīyeń, Lao tśīeń, Shan seŋ, Tay Noir, Tho tśieŋ, Tay Blanc tśeŋ, Dioi śień, Mak śīń (p. 499)	**** { 正 zhèng } as in 'thánggiêng' for 正月 zhèngyuè (used to indicate the first month of the calendar and now includes Julian calendar. Also, it could be 元 yuán as both appear with 月 yuè in the same context. }
nếp	glutinous rice	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. nếp, Chin. nuaʾ 糯 (M nuò), Siamese ʾhnīyew, Lao, Nung niew, Tay Blanc .new, Tho niw, Bê năw (p. 501)	**** 糯 nuò
méo	slant	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾpīyew, Lao, Nung, Tay Noir biew, Shan mew, Tay Blanc bew, Tho biw (p. 501)	*** { 偏 biān }
bò	cow	**** OB ba, OB E. *bik || A W. Bod. Burig bā (p. 83), Groma, Śarpa bo (calf), Dangdźongskad, Lhoskad ba (p. 93), Central Bodish Lagate pa-, Spiti, Gtsang, Dbus, Ãba bʿa, Mnyamslad, Dźad pa (p. 98), other Bod. languages Rgyarong (ki)-bri, -bru (p. 120), modern Bod. dialects New Mantśati (bullock), Tśamba Lahuli (ox) bań, Rangloi bań-ƫa (bullock) (p. 130) || also Chin. 牝 byi/ (Chin. cow, female of animal), OB ãbri-mo (tame female yak) (p. 59), Minor group Toţo pik-(a), Dimal pi-(a) (p. 187), Southern Branch Kukish *b@ń, Luśei b@ń, Thado boń, Vuite -b@ń- (p. 250), E. Himalayish bʿi, Khambu pi', Lohorong, Yakhha pik (p. 330) | for 'buffalo': Luśei pă-na, Khami *mă-na, Karenic *-na-, Karenni pæ2-nä2, Pwo pə1-na6, Sgaw pə2-nə8, Bwe pa-nä2 (p. 414) | (Haudricourt) Chin. ńǔ- 牛 (M níu), Siamese ŋwă, Lao, Tay Noir ńuo, Shan, Tay Blanc ńo, Tho, Nung mɔ, Sui mo, Mak pho (p. 501)	*** { 牝 bì } SV 'bí'.
đỗ	bean	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. duʾ\ 荳 (M dòu), Siamese thwăʾ, Lao thuo, Ahom thu, Shan tho, Tay Noir thuo, Tay Blanc tho, Nung thu, Dioi tuo, Sui thăw, Li thaw (p. 502)	**** { 荳 dòu }, also, modern M 豆 dòu (SV 'đậu').
mù	obscured	**** M méng 朦 moń-, Ob rmońs (p. 70) || (Haudricourt) Viet. mù, Siamese mwă, Lao muo, Tay Noir mo (p. 502)	**** { 朦 méng } (See 'mờ')
cuốc	dig a hole, hoe	**** M chú 鋤 ɖʐǒ- (to hoe, excavate), Luśei tśo (Dimasa dźao) (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Viet. cuốc, *kw@k, Tay Noir kuoʔ, Tho, Nung, Bê kuok, Sui kwak, Mak kūk, Li thaw (p. 502)	**** { 鋤 chú }
điếc	deaf	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. điếc, Siamese hnw@k, Lao, Tho, Nung nuok, Ahom, Dioi nuk, Shan nôk, Tay Noir nuoʔ, Tay Blanc noʔ, Mak ʔdāk, Bê mok (p. 502)	** { 聵 kuì } SV ngoái (born deaf) cf. 'lãng' for '聾 lóng' (modern M to mean 'deaf')
lớn	great, large, grand	** S. K. *lian, Śo len (p. 222), Kapwi -lin (p. 39), Old Kukish Kukish *lian, Luśei lian, Mara lai, Tlongsai lai-pa, Sabeu -lai (p. 271) | (Haudricourt) Siamese hlw@ŋ, Lao, Tay Blanc, Nung luoń, Ahom luŋ, Tay Noir, Tho loń (p. 503)	*** { 隆 lóng }
vườn	garden	**** (Haudricourt) Siamese sw@n, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho suon, Ahom, Nung sun, Shan shon, Tay Blanc son, Cao-lan lun, Dioi suən (p. 503)	****** { 園 yuán } SV 'viên'
mướp	luffa, loofa, dish-cloth gourd	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. mướp, Siamese pw@p, Shan mop, Tay Blanc ɓop (p. 503)	*** { 布瓜 } probably a sound contraction of M bùguā (SV bốqua) [ ~> 'mướp' ® \ 布 bù \ MC pwo | ¶ b- ~ m-, 瓜 guā | ¶ w- ~ p- \ OC *kwra (loofah sponge, dishrag gourd, Luffa cylindrica ]
cũng	also	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese k@, Lao kɔ, Shan, Tay Noir, Ahom ko (p. 507)	*** { 共 gòng } cf. 共同 gòngtóng: VS 'cùngchung' (altogether)
đố	to bet	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'đổ', Siamese t@@ʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi to (p. 507)	** { 賭 dǔ }. cf. 猜 cài: SV 'thai' ~ VS 'đoán' (guess)
bố	father	***** M fù 父 bū/ ('father, elderly relatives of the same surname, old man'), M Bur. bʿui\, Luśei pu (p. 60) | (Haudricourt) Siamese b@@ʾ, Lao phɔ, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho pɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi po (p. 507)	****** { 父 fù } SV 'phụ'
mô	shaman	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 巫 mū- (M wū), Siamese hm@@, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho mɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi mo (p. 508)	**** { 巫 wū } as in VS 'thầymô' 巫師 wūshi. cf. also, VS 'phùthuỷ' (witch)
ngấc	raise one's head	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese ń@@k, Lao ńɔk, Ahom ŋwak, Shan ńôk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc ńɔʔ (p. 508)	**** { 仰 yăng }, also, SV 'ngưỡng': VS 'ngẫng', 'ngóc'
bọc	to envelop	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese p@@k, Lao, Tho, Nung pɔk, Ahom pwak, Shan pôk, Tay Blanc pɔʔ (p. 508)	**** { 包 bāo }. Ex. 包起來 bāoqilái (bọclại)
bóc	flay, peel	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 剝 p@k (M bò) | Siamese b@@k, Ahom pwak, Shan pôk, Tho pɔʔ, Nung pɔ (p. 508)	**** {剝 bò }
sóc	squirrel	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. sóc, Siamese kar@@k, Lao, Tho, Nung lɔk, Ahom lwak, Shan lôk, Tay Blanc lɔʔ (p. 508)	*** { 鼠 shǔ } Also 'chuột' (mouse). 'sóc' probably a contraction of M 松鼠 sōngshǔ (squirrel). For 'chuột' (rat) there exists also M 耗子 hāozi.
chuột	rat, mouse	**** Luhupa Branch Kukish **b-yu\, Luśei zu, Maring yu-, Phalang ma-su3, Kipome ma-dźeu, Kwoireng tă-dźa, Empeo -zu (p. 305) | Baric Namsangia dźu-pu, Banpara źu, zu, yu (p. 428) | (Haudricourt) Chin ʾtsǐ 子 (M zǐ), 'Year of the Rat' Lao, Tay Blanc ʾtśəɯ, Dioi śaw (pp. 524, 525)	****** { 鼠 shǔ }. See also 'sóc' (squirrel)
chọn	choose	**** (Haudricourt) *xr@@ŋ, Siamese k@@ŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Shan khɔń, Ahom khwraŋ, Tay Blanc qhɔń (p. 509)	*** { 選 xuăn }
lõng	liquid	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'lõng', Siamese l@@ŋʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Shan lɔń, Ahom lwaŋ, Tay Blanc qhɔń (p. 510)	*** { 溶 róng }
phổi	lung	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 肺 pịʷɐiʾ (per H. ancient final for this sound is -ts), (M fèi), Viet. 'phổi', Siamese p@@t, Lao, Tay Blanc, Shan pɔt, Dioi pət (p. 510)	**** { 肺 fèi } SV 'phế'
nằm	lie down	**** (Haudricourt) Siamese n@@n, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan nɔn, Dioi non, Ahom nwan, Muk nun (p. 511)	*** { 躺 táng }
muộn	late	**** (Haudricourt) *m@@n, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan, Tho mɔn, Ahom mun (p. 511)	**** { 晚 wăn } SV 'vãn'
run	tremble	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese y@@n, Tay Blanc, Shan yɔn, Ahom ywan (p. 511)	*** { 顫 chàn }
đáp	reply	***** (Haudricourt) 答 tāp (M dá), Siamese t@@p, Lao, Shan, Nung tɔp (p. 511)	***** 答 dá
nhuộm	dye	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 染 ńīm (M răn), Viet. 'nhuộm', *ñ@@m, Siamese ʾy@@m, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan, Tho, Nung ñɔm, Ahom sük, Dioi num, Bé niem, Sui ʔyăm (p. 512)	**** { 染 răn } Also, VS 'nhiễm', 'nhuốm', and 'lây' (infect)
dòm	stare	*** Viet. also 'nhòm', (Haudricourt) Tay Noir, Nung, Dioi yɔm, Tho, Tay Blanc ñɔm (p. 512)	*** { 望 wàng }, possibly 'ngóng'. Also, 瞻 zhān: SV 'chiêm'
núi	mountain	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'núi', Lao dɔy, Shan lɔy, Ahom dway, Dioi ɗɔy (p. 512)	**** { 山 shān }, also, VS 'non'. Hainanese /twa1/ (pronounced like French 'toi')
chữ	letters	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 字 dzǐ\, dʒi (M zì), Siamese sǐ, Lao, Tay Noir sɯ, Tho tsɯ, Dioi sɯ (p. 513)	****** { 字 zì }
giặc	enemy	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'tặc', Chin. 賊 dzək (M zéi), Siamese sǐk, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Tho sək, Shan shuk, Nung śək, Dioi śak(p. 514)	**** { 賊 zéi } SV 'tặc'
khuya	night	** M yè 夜 ịă\, M Bur. N-nyă, Kukish *ń-ya (pp. 42-43), Luhupa Branch Tśamphung ńă-yu- (p. 301) | (Haudricourt) *ɣǐn, Siamese gǐn, Lao, Tho khun, Shan khɯn, Tay Blanc qhɯn, Nung khən, Dioi hen (p. 514)	** { 夜 yè } SV 'dạ'
mầy	you	*** (Haudricourt), Viet. 'mầy, mà', Siamese mǐń, Lao, Tay Noir muŋ, Tay Blanc mɯ, Dioi muń (p. 514) | Li (1) mɯ, Ahom maü, Shan, Tho, Li (2) məɯ (p. 525)	*** { 爾 ěr, nǐ }, also, 你 nǐ, also 'mi'
chì	lead	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'chì', Siamese dzǐn, Lao, Shan sɯn, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir tsɯm, Nung tśɯn, Dioi śen (p. 514)	*** { 鉛 qiān, yán }
cà	aubergine	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'cà', Chin. 茄 gă- (M qié), Siamese khǐe, Lao khɯə, Shan, Tay Blanc khə, Dioi _kuə, Mak kə (p. 515)	****** { 茄 qié }
lựa	choose	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese liek, Lao luek, Ahom lük, Shan lək, Tay Noir lɯəʔ, Tay Blanc ləʔ, Tho, Nung luək, Bê leak (pp. 465, 516)	*** { 擇 zé } < MC ɖajk < OC *ɫhak || ¶ z- ~ l-
mương	canal	**** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'mương', Daic Siamese mǐeŋ, Lao,Tay Blanc, Nung, Dioi muəń, Tho məń (p. 517)	*** { 垸 yuàn }
trái	fruit	*** OB se-, Chin. (Shafer ?), Katśin si, M Bur. –si\, Kukish *tʿei\, Dimasa tʿai, Luśei tʿei (p. 52) || Southern Kukish Kukish *tʿei, Khimi -tʿai (p. 207), Śo te (p. 218), Minor groups Newari se, si, Old Kukish Kukish *tʿei\, Luśei tʿei\, Mikir tʿe (p. 276), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul tʿei, Phadang tʿi, Tśamphung -tʿai, Kupome tʿai, Khunggoi tʿai-, C. and N. Luhupa -tʿai, Zumomi, Dayang -tʿi (pp. 289, 308, Tśairelish Katśingish tʿei, Rawang -śi (p. 404) | Baric Garo -tʿe, Bodo, Metś, Dimasa, Tipora -tʿai, Tsutiya tśi-ti, Wanang tʿəi, Atong taiʾ (p. 436) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'trái', Daic Siamese dźāy, Lao, Shan sāy, Tay Blanc, Ahom, Tho tśāy, Sui săy (p. 518)	**** { 實 shí } as in 結實 jiéshí: VS 'kếttrái' (bear fruits)
vải	cotton, textile	*** (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese vāyʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc fāy, Shan fe, Nung, Wuming phāy, Dioi way, Mak wāy (pp. 463, 518)	*** { 布 bù }, also, *** 帛 bò: SV 'bạch' (fabrics)
gà	chicken	***** (Haudricourt) 雞 kăi- (M jī), Viet. 'gà', Siamese kwai, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc kwăy, Laqua khay, Lati ka (p. 520)	**** { 雞 jī }
thang	ladder	*** Baric Namsangia hi-tʿo, Banpara tśi-tuń (p. 446) | (Haudricourt) 梯 thăi (M tī), *tai, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Nung ɗăy, Be lei, Sui ke, Mak tśe (p. 520)	*** { 梯 thăi tī }
thay	substitute	*** Viet. also 'thế' | (Haudricourt) 替 thăi\ (M tì), Siamese thaiʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc, Nung thăy, Ahom thay, Dioi ʾti (p. 520)	**** { 替 tì }
túi	pack	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese daiʾ, Lao thăy, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tăy, Mak thāy (p. 520)	**** 袋 dài (SV đảy): VS 'túi' (sachet), Cant. /tɔj3/. Cf. *** { 兜 dòu } VS 'túi' (pocket)
vảy	scales	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'vảy', Siamese ʾhwai, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc văy (p. 521)	*** { 皮 pí }, also ** { 翼 yì } VS 'vây'
vái	pray	***** Viet. also 'bái', 'lạy' | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'vái', Siamese ʾhwai, Lao, Shan văy, Ahom băy (p. 521)	**** { 拜 bài }
ngó	look	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'ngoi' (?), Khmer nǐey, Siamese ŋey1, Shan, Tho ńoy (pp. 521, 522)	**** { 瞧 qiáo } For Haudricourt's posit in Viet. 'ngoi', probably he meant VS 'ngó'.
vào	enter	*** also V vô, Chin. ? (absent in Shafer's list), OB hońs, M Bur. wań (enter), Luśei *wań (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Daic *xau, Siamese ʾkhau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Sha, Tho, Nung khăw, Ahom khaw, Caolan qhăw, Dioi hăw, Bê (law) (p. 522)	**** { 入 rù }, SV 'nhập'. Also, 込 yū, 迂 yū SV 'vu'​ (enter)
cũ	old	**** (Haudricourt) K. gịəuʾ, S. gǔ\ 舊 (M jìu), Siamese kauʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Shan, Tho, Nung, Dioi kăw, Ahom kaw, Bê kaw (p. 522)	****** { 舊 jìu } Also, VS 'cú' (owl). Cant. /kâw2/
chúa	master	***** (Haudricourt) Chin. 主 tśu (M zhǔ), Viet. 'chúa', Siamese ʾtśau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Ahom, Tho, Nung, tśaw, Shan, Dioi săw (p. 522)	****** { 主 tśu zhǔ } SV 'chủ'
sớm	early	*** M zăo 早 tsau/, M Bur. tso | (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾdżau, Lao săw, Nung, Dioi śaw, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tśăw, Shan săw (p. 522)	**** { 早 zăo }. Also, interestingly, VS 'chào' (hello)
rượu	spirits, liquor	**** M yǒu 酉 ịǔ/, OB yu (Thebor), Luśei -zu (p. 63) | M lăo 醪 lau-, M Bur. lo-dźa Siamese lo\1, Lao hlo\ (all fermented liquors, wine, alcohol) (p. 59) | (Haudricourt) Chin. 酒 tśịəu/tsǔ/ (M jǐu), Viet. 'rượu', Siamese ʾhlau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Shan, Dioi lăw, Sui lhaw, haw, (p. 523)	**** { 酒 jǐu }, cf. 酉長 yóuzhăng: SV 'tùtrưởng' (tribal chief)
xài	use	**** (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾdźaǐ, Lao səɯ, Ahom tśaü, Shan səɯ, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc tśəɯ (p. 524)	**** { 消 xiāo } SV 'tiêu' (consume)
keo	glue	***** M jiāo 膠 kăo-, M Bur. ko, Siamese, Lao kāw (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'keo', Chin. kău/ 膠 (M jiāo), Siamese, Lao, Tay Blanc kāw, Shan kɔ, Nung kyaw (pp. 523, 524)	****** { 膠 jiāo } Ex. 膠漆 jiāoqì: VS 'keosơn'
sao	star	**** S. Br. Kukish *ɣār, Luśei ār-śi, Thado, Śiyang a-śi (p. 249), Old Kukish Kuki *ɣār, Tśiru āŕ-śi , Aimol ār-śi (p. 256), Luhupa Branch Maring sor-, Ukhrul sir-, Phadang sār-, Kupome su, C. and N. Luhupa să-, Maram să-gai, Rong să-hór (p. 324) | (Haudricourt) Siamese tāw, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho ɗāw, Ahom ɗaw, Shan lāw, Nung, Dioi taw, Li drāw (pp. 523, 524)	**** { 星 xīng }
dao	knife	***** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'dao', Chin. tao- 刀 (M dāo), Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tāw, Dioi taw (pp. 523, 524)	****** { 刀 dāo } SV 'đao'
dài	long	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir yāw, Lao ñāw, (p. 524)	*** { 長 cháng }
heo	pig	**** (Haudricourt) Chin. ʿgâi 亥 (M hài), 'Year of the Boar' Lao ʾ_kəɯ, Tay Blanc kəɯ, Dioi kaw, Mak həy (pp. 524, 525)	**** { 亥 hài }. cf. 'lợn' **** 豘 tún: SV 'độn' (pig)
mới	new	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾmaǐ, Lao ʾ_kəɯ, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung məɯ, Tay Noir .məɯʾ, Dioi mo, Mak măy (p. 525)	*** { 萌 méng } SV 'manh': also, 'mầm' (sprout). cf. Proto-Austro-Asiatic: pɤj, Proto-Vietic: *bʔǝ:jʔ, Proto-Aslian: *pa:j, Proto-Vietmuong: *bʔǝ:jʔ, Tum: bǝɨj.212.
dưới	under	*** (Haudricourt) Viet. 'dưới', Chin. tăi/ 底 (M dǐ) (?), Siamese ʾtaǐ, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir təɯ, Ahom taü, Dioi taɯ, Li thəɯ (p. 525) | OK Kuki *tʿaui, Luśei tʿaui-a, Tśiru tʿ@ị, Aimol tʿoy-a2, Purum -tʿūy-a, Hallam tʿoy-a (p. 253)	*** { 底 dì } SV đế, also, **** VS 'đáy' (bottom). For VS 'dưới', it fits into the sound change pattern /đ-/ ~ /j-/, ex. /đáy/ ~ /dưới/
kề	next to	*** (Haudricourt) Siamese laǐ, Lao, Shan kəɯ, Ahom kaw, Tay Blanc tśhəɯ, Tho śəɯ, Nung kyəɯ, Caolan khay, Dioi kyaɯ, Wuming klaɯ, Sui, Mak phyăy, Bê le, Li (p)ləɯ (pp. 524, 525)	**** { 切 qiè }

 

Back to top

 

---