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(Continued)

IV) PARALLELS WITH THE SINO-TIBETAN LANGUAGES :

A) Sino-Tibetan etyma

Sino-Tibetan with six divisions

Source: Robert Shafer, 1966, p.VII.

In this section we are going to examine V etyma that appear to be cognate to those of any of several ST languages in all six linguistic divisions which will help identify sub-stratra of their deep ST roots, that is mainly based on Introduction to Sino-Tibetan by Robert Shafer, 1966.

According to Shafer (1966, p. I), there are four great literary ST languages: Chinese, Siamese, Burmese, and Tibetan (or Bodish, since Bod is the native name for Tibet) with more than 400 ST languages in six linguistic divisions, that is, Sinitic (Chinese), Daic (Thai), Bodic (Tibetan, including Old Bodish or classical Tibetan, etc.), Burmic (Burmese, including Kukish languages — Indo-Burmese frontier regions — etc.), Baric (Bodo, etc.), and Karenic (Karen). "A third of the population of the globe speaks one or more of these languages" and "Sino-Tibet speakers occupy and area extending from the Great Wall of China to the Malay Pennisula and from the Kashmir to the Yellow Sea." Terminologically, -an indicates a linguistic family while -ic signifies a main division — hence, in my paper, Sinitic-Vietnamese comes to term over here for their etymological interconections which is not intended to prove genetic connection, just like those compound Sino-Daic, Sino-Bodic, etc. used in Shafer's work, but only for group classification terminologically — and -ish or -ese denotes a section of main division. Regarding to the matter of polysyllabism in ST the author indicates that suffixes are syllables added to a noun or verb or pronoun and that there are ST languages, as in Kurkish, that have dissyllabic and even trisyllabic words in their primitive state. Methodologically, in Shafer's words

"we must also take environmental phonetics into greater consideration than in most families. And this calls into question the rule — laid down by Antoinne Meillet, I believe — that we must have at least three examples to rule out the possibilitiy of accidental resemblance. But, after collecting four or five examples, so that a positional equation is established, one may run across a sixth which does not strictly conform. When, as in Central Core Kurkish languages, one can often get twenty examples, one is almost certain to prove an exception. Frequently enough exceptions show up so that the environmental equation can be formulated." (p. 13)

Also, when working with those genetically-related languages, Shafer notes that their loanwords borrowed from each other are very difficult to recognized while, naturally, recognition of foreign-origin borrowings is much easier in unrelated languages. (p. 128) And for a language sometimes does borrow a word it already has and some words might have been borrowed far enough in the past to have undergone typical phonetic shifts. (p. 132) What Shafer has referred to are those of ST, but it is equally true in the cases of V and Chin. Similarly, albeit, many of them might not be no longer found or existant in its original forms and meaning in Chinese, but their etymological imprints are obvious. You will be the judge.

Shafer's phonetic symbols
(for a complete reference see Shafer 1966, p. IV)

A note on phonetic symbols use throughout in this ST list below: due to typographical difficulty I'll try to match symbols, phonetically, utilized by Shafer with those of IPA with a few accent marks and tonal indication being dropped or changes, very few of them though, which may unavoidably introduce errors into phonetic transcriptions and reconstructions here and there to those phonetically transcribed etyma that appear herein with what actually meant by the author in his research. However, you will unmistakenly recognize the forms that show cognates in all languages under examination. At the same time, of course, cognate forms will be selectively chosen since many forms, even though they were truly cognate to each other in a correlated chain across so many dialects and languages, appear totally different from a V form to avoid unecessary distraction and confusion to readers. Also, some items may reappear in mor than one citation because they run across in different linguistic divisions and branches in all ST languages. Whenever appropriate, besides the Chin. forms cited by Shafer, a slightly modified version from the work Grammatica Serica on Archaic Chinese by Bernhard Karlgren, I shall selectively annotate with additional modern M pinyin and notes for cited Chin. etyma if needed, that is what this paper is all about. With the Daic forms for which Shafer utilizes data compiled by Haudricourt, many of them are obviously cognate to SV — reckoned as Chin. loans — but seclectively included here as well just for the sake to demonstrate the fact that the Chin. cognates appear in most Daic languages in much smaller numbers than those same forms that exist in V. For those listed items where only either the Chin. forms or other ST forms appear sise by side, some of those etymological forms might have been omitted, especially those entries from Daic division, if they are deemed to appear so obviously cognate to those in Chin. of which their listings would be repetitive with other etyma cited elsewhere throughout this paper.

Comparative lexemes in Sinitic, Bodic, Daic, Burmic languages:
(against other Sino-Tibetan languages and dialects in all divisions and their branches)
[ linguistic group names to follow after || with pp. to indicate pages where iems are cited throughout Part 1-5 in Shafer 1966, 1967, 1968, 1970, 1974 ]

1. ngẫm, gẫm 'think' [ M rèn 恁 nyam\, Old Bodish snyam (p.14 to start in Shafer 1966, Part 1, where Sinitic Division is listed) ]
2. sọ 'skull bone' [ M lǒu 髏 lu-, Dimasa lao-kʿroi 'skull' (p.14) ]
3. chợ 'market' [ M shì 市 źi/, Middle Burmese dźʿe\, Old Bodish rdźʿe 'barter' (p.14) ]
4. nhổ 'spittle' [ M tù 吐 tʿo\ to spit out, OB tʿu, tʿo-le (p.14) ]
5. rẫy 'plowland' [ M mǔ 畝 mu/, OB rmo 'to plough' (p.14), Old Kukish *lo\, Luśei lo, Meithlei lau\ (p. 280) | also 'cultivation, jhum-field' Old Kukish *rītʾ, Luśei rītʾ, Mikir rit (p. 278), 'field' Maring, Khunggoi lau, Ukhrul lui, Phadang leou (p. 311) ]
6. châm 'to light (fire)' [ M diăn 點 tem-, Lao tām/ (p. 15) ]
7. thẹn 'to be ashamed' [ M cán 慚 dzām-, OB ãdzoms (p. 15) ]
8. trong 'middle' [ OB kloń, Siamese klāń (p. 15) ]
9. trăng, giăng, tháng (moon, month) [ M yuè 月 ńyɒt < *ŋ-lat, OB z-la-, zla-ba (M 月霸 yuèbà ?), Bur. la, Kukish (except Mikir) *kʿla, Mikir tśik-li < *tśik-kla, Rgya. tsi-le, Rawang śă-la (p. 19) || Other Bod. languages Tsangla la-nyi (p. 118), W. Himal. lang. Kukish S-kʿla, Bunan śrig, Bunan, Almora hla, Thebor la, Kanauri go-l-sań, Tśamba-Lahuli la-za (p. 138), Minor group Toţo ta-ri, Dhimal ta-li1 (p. 169), Southern Branch Kukish *S-kʿla, Luśei tʿla, Thado tʿla, Śiyang tʿa, Vuite Xa (p.247), Old Kukish Aimol, Langrong tʿa, Purum hla, Hrangkhong ta, Hallam tʿa, Biate -tʿa, Kolhreng tʿa, Kom, Tarao tʿla, Lamgang ƫʿa, Anal (si) ƫʿaʾ (p. 252), Kuki *S-kʿla, Tśiru ƫʿla (p. 262), Mara tʿla (p. 266), Luhupa Branch Kwoireng tśă-hyu, Khoirao lʿa (p. 301) | , Burmish Bur. *hla, M Bur. lă, Lolo Phumoi la\, Akha la¯, Nyi tʿla-, Ahi hlo-, Lolopho hyo-, Phupha la (p. 366) | Baric Tipura tal, Bodo dān 'month', Metś dān (in compounds), Moran dan, Dimasa dain3, D daiń, B tain, Hojai deń, Dhimal tālǐ, Garo dźa, Abeng dźa-dźoń (p. 435, 443) || Shafer's comments on the medial l : 'As in Indo-European, medial l causes a good deal of difficulty in Sino-Tibetan because of its effect on preceding consonants. Old Bodish has only kl and bl. Luśei only tl and tʿl and some other Kurkish kl and kʿl. In Middle Burmese *-l- becomes -y- and only occasionally do we have *-l- preserved in an Old Burmese inscription. or in the Tavoy dilect.' (p. 423). With these implications we can equally apply them to the various Vietnamese forms of 'blời, blăng, trời, trăng, and giời, giăng. ]
10. gấu 'bear' [ OB d-om, Bur. wam, Luśei vom, K. *Xwom (X is a guttural of unknown type), Mikir tʿo-wām (St.), Rawang tʿǒ-gǒyām, (i.e. tʿǒ-gǒām), Rgyarong (ti-)-gom (p. 19) ]
11. lưỡi 'tongue' [ M shé 舌 dźīt < *ldźīt, OB ltśe, O Bur. m-lei, M Bur. hlya, Siamese lǐn2, Lao lǐn, Karen siń-let, Luśei, Aimol, Purum, Langrong lei, Hrangkhol me-le, Kolhreng -lei, Lamgang p-lei (pp.14, 25-27) || Archaic West. Bodish dialects Sbalti ltśe, Burig ltśeʾ (p. 80), OT Bod. lang. Tsangla le (118), West Himalayish languages Kukish m-lei, Buman hle, Thebor, Kanauri le (p. 136), Northern Assam Midźu mb-lai, b-lai (M) (p. 180), Southern Branch Kukish *m-lei, all languages Luśei, Thado, Ralte, Śiyang, Vuite lei (p. 248), Old Kukish Mara, Tlongsai pa-lei, Śandu pa-lai, Lailenpi -pəle(ị), Miran pəlị_, Lothu pəlị¯, Zotung la\ (p. 268), Hrangkhol me-le, Mikir de (p. 277), Meithlei kei (p. 280), Karenic Pwo pʿle2, Sgaw plē4, Bwe ple (p.416) ]
12. muối 'salt' [ O Bur. *m-tś\, Bom mǐ-tśi, Kapwi tśi, Tśru mă-tśi, Aimol me-tśi, Hrangkhol mi-dźi, Kupome ma-tśew, Khunggoi ma-tśi (pp.14, 25-27) ]
13. lòng 'heart' [ O Bur. *m-luń, Luśei luń, Aimol mu-luń, Purum, Langrong, Kolhreng -luń, Hrangkhol mi-luń, Khimi b-luń, N. Khami pă-lun, Maring, Phadang mă-luń, Tśngli, Mongsen -mu-luń (pp.14, 25-27) || OB m-luń, Southern Kukish Khimi b-luń (p. 207), Minbu lön (p. 222), Central Kukish Kukish *m-luń, Ngente, Haka luń (p. 230), Old Kukish Kuki *m-luń, Tśiru -mu-luń, Aimol -luń, Purum -luń-, Langrong luń, Hrangkhol mi-luń (p. 258), Luhupa Branch Rengma mioń, Zumoni me-lo, Tengima -mel-lu (p. 320) ]
14. đinh 'nail' [ O Bur. *m-tin\, Bom -mi-ti, Tśiru mẹ-tịn, Kom ma-tịn, Khoirao mă-tin (pp.14, 25-27), OB sen-mo, M Bur. -śań\, Luśei tin (p. 68) ]
15. rắn 'snake' [ O Bur. *p-r2ūl, M Bur. m-rwe, Luśei rūl, Pankhu (Le), Bandźogi (Le) m-rūl, Bom mă-rui, Kapwi mă-run, Aimol rul, Lamgang pa-rūl, Anal p-rul (pp.14, 25-27)]
16. mối 'white ant' [ O Bur. *m-kʿra\, M Bur. *m-kʿră, Tenggima mě-kʿrö (pp. 25-27) ]
17. bồcâu 'dove' [ M báigē 白鴿 báigē < gē 鴿 kǔ- 'pigeon, turtle-dove, O Bur. *m-kʿrui\, M Bur. kʿrui, Kukish m-kʿru, S. Khami mă-kʿrui, Zumomi me-ke-du7, Tengima mě-kʿru (pp. 25-27) || Northern Assam Miśing pe-ki, Yano pü-kʿü, E. Nyising pü-kʿüü, Tagen pu-kʿu (p. 199) ]
18. giông 'wind' [ M fēng 風 puń-, O Bur. *m-puń, Hlota m-poń, Tśungli mo-puń, Tengsa mă-puń, Yatśam mo-puń (pp. 25-27), Luhupa Branch Kukish *m-puń, Mongsen m-uń (p. 318) ]
19. liếm 'to lick' [ O Bur. *m-liakʾ, M Bur. lyak, Luśei liak, Lamgang p(i)-līk, Anal pi-līk, Kom ma-lẹk, Tśiru mẹ-lēk, Śo m-le-, Ukhrul -mă-lek, Rong lyak (pp. 25-27) ]
20. cá 'fish' [ M yú 魚 ńǒ-, OB nya, < *ńya, M. Bur. ńa\, Luśei ńa\ | cf. Luhupa Branch (p. 288): Ukrul, Phadang, Khoirao, Kabui kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi, N. Luhupa kʿi, Maram, Dayang –ka, Kwoireng -kʿa, Kabui kʿa (Go), Empeo, Zumoni -kʿa, Imemai -kʿ@ (pp. 36-39), Luhupa Branch Kukish *kʿai, Ukhrul, Phadang, kʿai, Tśanmphung -kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi, N. Luhupa kʿi, Kabui -ka, Imemai -kʿ@, Zumoni -kʿa (p. 288), Ukhrul, Phadang kʿai, Kupome, Khunggoi kʿi (p. 309) ]
21. ngào 'roast' [ M áo 熬 ńau-, OB brńos (pp. 36-39) ]
22. (nghẹn)ngào 'weep' [ V. (nức)nở ?, M áo 嗷 ńau-, OB ńus, M Bur. ńui (pp. 36-39) ]
23. ngỗng, ngang 'goose' [ M é 鵝 ńa ~ M yàn 雁 ńăn\ (wild goose), OB ńań < *ńan, M Bur. ńan\ (pp. 36-39), Siamese, Lao hān_1 (p. 71) ]
24. nhỏ 'young' [ M ní 倪 ńăi-, M Bur. ńay (pp. 36-39) ]
25. mụ 'woman' [ M lăo 姥 mo/, OB mo, Luśei mo (pp. 36-39) ]
26. ngươi 'thou' [ M é 而 nyi-, OB nyi-d, M Bur. ni (Hor) (pp. 36-39) ]
27. mồm 'mouth' [ M wěn 吻 mǔn/, OB mur-, Luśei hmūr (pp. 36-39), Old Kukish Kuki *hmūr, Hrangkhol fur (p. 258)]
28. mờ 'dim, dark' [ M méng 朦 moń-, OB rmog, M Bur. mok (pp. 36-39) ]
29. màn 'curtain' [ M màn 幔 mān-, Siamese măn (yam) (pp. 36-39) ]
30. mưa 'rain' [ Chin. (absent in Shafer's list), OB ro- (W.), Bur. rua M Bur. rwa, Luśei ruaʾ || W. Himal. lang. Kukish r2uaʾ (p. 138), S. K. Śo yoʾ (p. 208), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul -rǒ, Phadang, Khunggoi ru-, Kupome ro-, Empeo -rui, Hlota -ru (p. 307) ]
31. (dây)leo 'creeper' [ M lěi 纍 lwi/, Luśei hrui (pp. 36-39)]
32. rừng 'forrest, jungle' [ M lín 林 l'am-, lịəm (sēn 森 forrest), Luśei ram (p. 67) | Central Branch Kukis *r2am, Ngente, Haka ram (p. 230) ]
33. lười 'lazy' [ M lăn 懶 lān/, Siamese grān2^ (pp. 36-39) ]
34. lối 'road' [ OB lam, M Bur. lam\, Luśei lam (p. 40) | Old Kukish Kuki *lam, Tarao -lam (p. 256) and most of other languages all show the articulation of /lam/. ]
35. lỗ 'hole' [ OB rlubs, M Bur. lup (p. 40) ]
36. bươmbướm 'butterfly' [ OB pʿye-ma-lep, M Bur. lip-pra, Luśei -pʿe-hlep || Baric Branch: Garo -pi-lip (pp. 40, 41), Southern Kukish Śo pam-ba-lāt (p. 221) ]
37. đi 'to walk, go, come' [ ~ V 'đến' | M lǚ 履 lyi/, Siamese lī (p. 41) | Minor group Tsangla de, Almora di (p. 172), Kukish di (come), Amora Branch of W. Him. di, de (go) (p. 330) ]
38. ảng ‘basin, jug’ [ M áng 盎 ʾāń\, Siamese ʾāń_2, M Bur. ʾāń (p. 42) ]
39. hong ‘to roast’ [ M hōng 灴 xong-, Siamese /hǔń/ (pp. 42-43) ]
40. ghẹ ‘crab’ [ M xié 蟹 ɣeyi/ (366: Li-chi 861-d), Siamese gey (small prawns), (p. 63) Kukish t ?-ɣai (p. 200) || Norther Assam Miśing ta-ke, Yano ta-tśie (p. 200), Old Kukish Luśei ai, Mara tśa-ia (< *t-ai) Kami tă-ai, Mikir tśe-he (p. 277) ]
41. vòng ‘circular’ [ M yuán 圓 ʾwăn-, Kukish *wal, Luśei val, Katśin val, M Bur. wan\ (pp. 42-43) ]
42. quay ‘revolve’ [ Chin. jịuən\, Siamese wǐyěn, Luśei vir, Katśin Kăvin, Garo wil- (pp. 42-43) ]
43. khổ ‘bitter’ [ V. cay ‘spicy hot’, M kǔ 苦 kʿo/, Kukish *kʿa\, Luśei kʿa, M Bur. kʿa\, Dimasa -kʿa, Katśin kʿa (p.44), Luhupa Branch Maring , Phadang, Maram, Khoirao, Empeo kʿa-, Ukhrul, Mongsen,Thukumi, Rengma, Imemai -kʿa, Kupome -kʿau-, Khunggoi, Kwoireng -kʿa-, Kabui kʿu-, Zumoni ku- (p. 288) ]
44. cằm ‘chin, jaw’ [ M jiă 頰 kep, | OB mgal, O Bur. *m-kʿa, Panku (le) kʿa,Biate (St) ma-kʿa, lamgang ba-kʿa (pp.25-27), Kukish *m-kʿa, Luśei kʿa, Dimasa /-ska, Katśin n-kʿa, Siamse, Lao kēm\2 (p.44) || A W. Bod. Sbalti -gal (p. 81), Old Kukish Meithlei kʿa- (p. 280), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul mă-kʿa, Maram ma-kʿo, Kabui ku-, Khoirao ka- (p. 301) ]
45. kéo ‘pull’ [ M qiān 牽 kʿen-, Siamese, Lao kʿ ěn\3 (p. 66), Central Branch Kukish *kai, Luśei kai, Kapwi kai- (p. 238) ]
46. hỗng ‘hole, hollow’ [ V also ‘trống’, M kǒng 孔 kʿong/, M Bur. ă-koń\, Diamasa koń-, OB kʿun (p.44) ]
47. kham ‘bear, endure’ [ M kān 堪 kʿān-, M Bur. kʿam (p.44) ]
48. khó ‘difficult’ [ M. Bur. kʿak, OB kʿag-po (p.44) || OB W. dka-ba, Sbalti, other Bod. languages Tsangla ka-lo (p. 117) ]
49. ho ‘cough’ [ M kē 咳 kʿayi\, Luśei kʿu, Dimasa kusu (p.44) ]
50. thỏ ‘hare’ [ M tù 兔 tʿo\, Siamese tʿoʾ_ (p.45)]
51. cày ‘a plow’ [ Siamese tʿai/, M Bur. tʿay, Katśin tʿai(p.45) ]
52. thăm ‘try, investigate’ [ M tām 探 tʿām-, Siamese, Lao tʿām/ (interrogate, question) (p.45) ]
53. mở ‘to open’ [ Chin. pʿyěi- (?), OB pʿyes, pʿye (pf.) (p.45) || Other Bod. languages Tsangla pʿi (p. 118) ]
54. bụi ‘dust’ [ Kukish *pʿut, Luśei pʿut, M Bur. pʿut, OB bud (p.46) ]
55. cử, kỵ ‘fear’ [ (see also sợ, dè) | M jì 忌 gyi\, Kukish *kri, M Bur. kre\ (p.46) || Luhupa Branch Longla kʿi-, Holta kʿyu (p. 305) ]
56. ghế, kỷ ‘seat’ [ M jì 几 kyi/, OB kʿri (p.46) ]
57. cùi(chỏ), khuỷu ‘elbow’ [ M jū 矩 kū/, Kukish *ku, Luśei kiu, O Bod kʿyu (p.46) ]
58. khóc ‘weep’ [ M qì 泣 kʿyap, kʿịəp, OB kʿrab- (p. 67), Kukish *krapʾ, Luśei ţapʾ, grap (p.46) || Other Bod. languages Gurung kro-(d), Muri kra-dźʾ (p. 125), South Branch Thadao -kap-, Śiyang, Vuite kap (p. 250), Meithlei kap- (p, 283), Luhupa Branch Imeanai -kra, Zumoni ka-, Tengima kra (p. 320), Tśairelish Katśinish krapʾ, Kadu kʿrap (p. 410) ]
59. cây ‘tree, trunk’ [ Kunkish *kūń, Luśei kūń, M Bur. ă-kuiń\ (p.46) | Central Branch Haka kūń, Kapwi kūn (p. 242) ]
60. gạo ‘rice’ [ SV cốc 'cereals', M gǔ 穀 kok (grain, cereals) (p. 70), Kukish *kOk ?, M Bur. kok, Katśin -gu (p.46), Luhupa Branch Rengma -ko, Tengima -ko (p. 322) ]
61. cứng ‘hard’ [ M qiáng 強 găń/, Kukish *krań ?, Ka. Greń, OB m-kʿrań | (p. 65) 'firm, solid': M jiān 堅 ken-, Siamese kēn_1 (p.46) | Southern Kukish Śo kāń (p. 221) ]
62. cóc ‘frog’ [ M hā 蛤 kāp, Siamese k@p- (p. 67) ]
63. kêu, gọi ‘to call’ [ M jiāo 叫 kịau\, Kukish *ko, Luśei ko, M Bur. kʿo, Katśin gau, (p. 65), Luhupa Branch Kwoireng, Rengma ko-, Kabui kau-, Empeo ku, Zumomi -ku, Dayang ku, Tegima ke (p. 286) ]
64. kháu ‘beautiful’ [ M jiāo 嬌 kīau\, Siamese kēw\2, M Bur. kro (p. 67) ]
65. rữa ‘wash, bath’ [ Dimasa –gui, di-gru, Katśin krut, OB bkrut (p. 67), Burmish Bur. *tʿśi, M Bur. tʿśe\, Lolo Akha tsi\, Ahi, Lolopho tśʿə\, Nyi tśʿə-, Ulu tśʿi (p. 366) ]
66. sông ‘river’ [ M jiāng 江 k@ng, OB kluń, O Bur., M Bur. kʿloń (p. 69), Kukish *kuań, Luśei kuań, Dimasa di-kʿoń (p. 67), Luhupa Branch Maring, Ukhrul koń, Khoibu, Phadang, Khunggoi, (N.) Luhupa koń-, Kupome kon-ta (p. 286), (It is interesting to see all ST forms are cognate to the v 'sông', which further strengthen the argument for their affiliation.) ]
67. tía ‘father’ [ M tiè 爹 tʿă-, Siamese tā, OB ʿa-ta (p. 67) ]
68. cháu ‘nephew’ [ M zhí 姪, Kukish *tʿu, Luśei, M Bur. tu, Dimasa du- (p. 48)]
69. đào ‘dig’ [ Kukish *tai, Katśin dai (p. 48), Burmish Bur. *do\, M Bur. tu\, Phumoi tu¯, Akha tu\, Nyi du\ (p. 369), Tśairelish Katśingish tʿo, Kadu tʿu (p. 408) ]
70. thấy ‘see’ [ Chin to\, OB Mig-ltos (p. 48) ]
71. trứng ‘egg’ [ M dàn 蛋, Kukish *tui, Luśei tui, Dimasa di, OB dui (p. 48) ]
72. điểm ‘mark’ [ M diăn 點 tem/, Siamese tēm2\ (p. 48) ]
73. lắm ‘many, much’ [ Siamese tʿ@m/, Kukish *tam, Luśei tam (p. 48) || Old Kukish Kuki *tam, Luśei tam, Tśiru tām-, Aimol -tam (p. 256) ]
74. trán ‘forehead’ [ M diān 顛 ten- (top of the head; summit), Siamese, Lao ţēn_ (p. 48), OK Luśei -tśal, Kom tśe (p. 261) | Kuksih M-tśal, Baric Tipora mă-tśal (vầngtrán?) (p. 438), Dimasa tʿain, Katśingish tʿa (p. 443) ]
75. đứng ‘stand’ [ M zhàn 站, Kukish *M-tuńʾ\, Luśei tuńʾ, Dimasa doń- (p. 48) ]
76. nếm ‘taste’ [ also V ‘liếm’, M tiān 舔 Chin. tʿem/, Kukish *M-tem, Luśei tem (p. 48) ]
77. bụng ‘belly, stomach’ [ M fú 腹 puk, Siamese, Lao pūm\, Kukish *p@, *puk, Luśei p@, pum, *puk, M Bur. -puik, wam\-puik, Dimasa bik-ma (p. 49), OB pʿo-ba, ze-bug, (p. 69) || OT Bob. lang. Gurung, Muri pʿo, Thaksya pʿo4 (p. 124), Southern Kukish Śo a-bu(ə)n (p. 221),Old Kukish Haka p@, Tlongsai peu (p. 269), Burmish Lolo poń, Akha po¯ (p. 374) ]
78. bà ‘grandmother’ [ M bǐ 妣 pyi/, OB pʿyi-mo, Kukish *pi, Luśei pi, Dimasa a-bi (p. 49) ]
79. vác ‘carry on back’ [ M fù 負 bǔ/, Kukish *t ?-pu, Luśei pu, M Bur. pui\, Dimasa –bu (p. 49) ]
80. búa ‘axe’ [ M fǔ 釜 pū, M. Bur. Pū- tśʿin (p. 49) ]
81. bát(ngát) ‘broad’ [ M bó 博 pāk (Shijing 50; 771 a-c), Kukish *pāk, Luśei pak, Dimasa –ba (p. 49), Mikir arpak )p. 277) ]
82. bông, búp ‘flower, petals' [ M pàn 瓣 băn\ (petals), Siamese pān, Kukish *pār, Luśei pār, Mikir pār (petal),M Bur. pan\, Dimasa bar, Katśin pan, ban (p. 49), OB ãba, ãba-pa (to open, bgin to bloom) (p. 74) ]
83. bay(bổng?) ‘to fly’ [ Chin pǔn\, Dimasa pur, OB pʿur | V bổng, M fàn 翻 pʿan (to fly up (of aprks)) (p. 49), OB ãpʿa-bar (p. 74) || Eastern dialects mpʿurwa (p. 111), Minor group Toţo bi, Dhimal bʿir (p.168), Norther Assam Midźu pʿyuń, Meyöl pʿöń (p. 188), Burmish O Bur. pyam, M Bur. pyam, N Bur. pyã, Megyaw, Samong pe (p. 359) ]
84. bắn ‘to shoot’ [ Siamese, Lao pēn_, Luśei perʾ (p. 49) ]
85. bẹp ‘flat’ [ also V biển ~ bảng 'board' M biăn 扁 pen/ (flat, signboard, tablet), Siamese pēn\2, Kukish *pēr, M Bur. pyań, Diamasa –pʿer, Katśin byen, pen, Siamese, Lao pēn\2 (p. 66), Tśairelish Katśinish pʿēk, Kadu pye (p. 409) ]
86. trợt ‘to slip’ [ also V té ‘fall down’, M diè 跌 det, OB ãdred (p. 51) ]
87. đền ‘palace, temple’ [ M diàn 殿 den\, Siamese dēn\1 (p. 51) ]
88. đốt ‘burn’ [ OB drugs, M Bur. tok (p. 51) || Northern Assam Midźu tʿak (M) (p. 186) ]
89. đau(đớn) ‘feel pain, love’[ also V thương, M téng 疼 duoń- (only in modern Chin. this word conveys those two meanings while 痛 tòng signifies ‘pain’ only.), OB gduńs, gduńs-pa (p. 51) ]
90. đàng, đường ‘path’ [ also, V ‘road, way, route’, M táng 唐 dāń- (Shijing 700 a-b: path in a temple, also, ‘route, road’), Siamese, Lao dāń (also, road, way) (p. 51) ]
91. sơn 'paint' [ M xī 漆, OB rtsi, Katśin tsi, M Bur. tśʿe\ (p. 51)]
92. bọ ‘insect’ [ Chin. bǔ\ (Shijing 102 l’ – m’: ‘crawl’ = V ‘bò’. It is interesting to see the phonetic resemblance of these two words.), M Bur. pui\, OB ãbu (p. 51), Burmish Bur. *bui\, Lolo Phumoi bo\, Nyi bu\, Ahi bö\, bu\, Lolopho bö\, Phumoi bu, Wei-ning bü (p. 368) ]
93. chua ‘sour’ [ M suān 酸 suān-, Kukish *tʿar\, Kanauri sur-, Luśei tʿar (p. 52) || OB sur- (Rodong), Luśei tʿur (p. 74) || also OB skyur-po, Archaic West Bodish dialects Sbalti, Burig skyur-, West Central and East Himalayish Bahing, Thulung dźyur-, Dumi, Khulung -dźur, Vayu dźu- (p. 144) ]
94. rét ‘cold’ [ Souther Kukish Kukish *śik, Katśin śik, Luśei śik (p. 52), Śo sʿi(i) (p. 220), Luhupa Branch Hlota -tsak-, Tengsa -tśik (p. 316) ]
95. tiếng ‘sound’ [ M shēng 聲 śīń-, Siamese śīyěń (p. 52) ]
96. chị ‘elder sister’ [ M zǐ 姊 tsi/, OB ʾa-tśʿe, Katśin tśet ? (p. 52) ]
97. chỉ 'finger; point at' [ M zhǐ 指 tśi/, Siamese dźi2 (p. 59) ]
98. câu 'hook' [ M jìu丩kǔ-, OB kyu (p. 59) ]
99. (đầu)gối 'knee' [ Luśei *kʿu, Siamese kʿo_1 (p. 59) ]
100. mù 'blind' [ M máo 瞀 mu\, OB dmus-loń (p. 60) ]
101. mù 'fog' [ M wù 霧 mū\, OB rmu-ba, M Bur. muigʾ\ (p. 60) ]
102. cậu 'uncle' [ M jìu 舅 gǔ/, OB kʿu-bo, M Bur. *kʿu (p. 60), Luhupa Branch Tśungli, Mongsen, Tśangki -kʿu, Rong -ku2 (p. 306)]
103. góp, gọp 'gather' [ VS tụ, M jǔ 聚 dzū/\, còu 湊 tsʿu\ (to collect, to assemble), M Bur. tśǔ (p. 60) ]
104. cụ 'headman' [ ~ also V gộc ?, SV cự, M jǔ 巨 gǒ/ (Chin. 'large, great, chief'; Chin. Śan kʿuiw1 'be great, large in bulk, size; be proud, self important'), OB ãgo, Siamese, Lao go^2 (beginning, origin, cause) (p. 61) ]
105. già 'grow old' [ M qí 耆 gyi-, OB bgres, M Bur. kri\ (p. 61), as 'old, aged' OB rmo, rmos || A W. Bob. Sbalti rgas-, Burig rgas- (p. 80) ]
106. nhỏ 'young' [ M ní 倪 ńai-, M Bur. ńay (p. 61) || 'younger sibling, child' Kukish *nau, Luśei nao, Khimi nau (p. 209), Maring naǒ, Ukhrul -naǒ, Khoirao -nau (p. 312), also for 'young' Souther Branch Kukish *ń-r ?-no, Luśei no, Thaso -nou, Ralte -no, Śiyang no, Vuite -no (p. 248), Meithlei -nau (p. 282), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul -ńă-nui, Tśungli nu (p. 311) ]
107. báo 'speech' [ V bảo 'report, inform, announce, publish', M bào 報 pau\ (Chin. report, inform), M Bur. po, Luśei *pao, Siamese, Lao pāw_1 (divulge, announce, publish) (p. 61) ]
108. vòng 'round' [ M wān 彎 wăn-, M Bur. ʾwan\ (p. 64) ]
109. muối 'saltpeter, niter, salt' [ M xiāo 硝 sịau-, M Bur. śo-ra, Maru, Nung R. yam-sau, Katśin śau (p. 64), also as 'salt' Luhupa Branch Kukish m?-tśi\, Luśei tśi, Maring ma-tʿi, Khoibu mi-ti, Ukhrul mă-tśi, Phadang mă-tśé, Kupome ma-tśew, Khunggoi ma-tśi, Kwoireng mă-tai, Tśungli me-tse, Khri, Tengsa mă-tśi, Rengma tśe, Imemai ma-ti\, Tengima mě-tsa, Zumoni m-ti (p. 293) ]
110. liếm ‘lick’ [ also V ‘nếm’, M tiān 舔 Chin. tʿem/, *lem/, OB lem- (W.) (The roots in W. Himalayish is, however, leb-; cf. Siamese lep 'to put out the tongue' (~ V lè, thè 'put out the tongue'). But, Bahing lyăm 'tongue', EE. Him. lěm. The Chin. form is based on Cant. lim/, Sino Annamese liếm (Emeneau)) (p. 66), all Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /lei/ (p. 252), Luhupa Branch Kuksih *m-liakʾ, Luśei liakʾ, Rong lyak (p. 317) ]
111. hết 'to not exist' [ V 'finished, consumed', M miè 滅 met, OB med-pa, Siamese, Lao hmēăƫ/ (Lao: 'finished, consumed') (p. 65)]
112. đánh 'beat, strike' [ M dă 打 teń, OB teń (Mantśati unit), Luśei deń (p. 66) || also OB rduń, E. dialects Dwags duń (p. 115) ]
113. kèm 'unite in one, put together' [ V 'attach, together, with', M jiān 兼 kem-, Siamese kēm (mix, intermix, mingled), Lao kēm/ (together, with) (p. 66) ]
114. nhắm 'be sleepy' [ M mián 眠 men- (to close the eyes, to sleep). M Bur. myań (p. 66) ]
115. thở 'breath' [ M 息 sịək (to breathe), M Bur. ʾă-sak (p. 66) ]
116. chích 'to bite' [ M zhí 蟄 śīk, OB tśig (Kanauri), Siamese tśǐk_ (p. 66) ]
117. kềm 'thongs' [ M qián 鉗 gīm-, Siamese, Lao gīm (p. 66) ]
118. bắp(chân) 'calf of leg) [ M bīn 臏 bin/ (knee-cap, knee, leg, mod. 腓 pái for calves), OB byin-pa (p. 68) ]
119. cân 'weigh' [ M jīn 斤, M Bur. kʿyin, Luśei kʿīn (p. 68) ]
120. tiếng 'voice, sound' [ M shēng 聲 śīń-, Siamese śīěń/, Lao syəń/, (sień) (V, S, L: word, language, sound) (p. 69)]
121. liên 'continuous' [ M lián 連 līn-, Lao lyən (lien) (p. 69) ]
122. bạt(tai) 'hit, strike' [ M pú 撲 pʿok, OB pʿog (p. 70) ]
123. chất 'heap together) [ M zú 族 dzok (to collect together), OB ãdzog-pa(p. 70) ]
124. lổ 'hole' [ OB rlubs, M Bur. lub, Siamese, Lao hlǔp (hollow, deep) (p. 71)]
125. búp 'bud' [ OB mum, M Bur. (arch.), Luśei -mūm (p. 71), Tśairelish Katśinish BOm?, Kadu, Khauri a-bum (p. 412) ]
126. ngậm 'hold in the mouth' [ M àn 唵 ʿām-, Luśei *um, Siamese ʿ@m (p. 71) ]
127. nâng 'to rise, raise' [ M áng 昂 ńāń-, Siamese ńāń^2 (p. 72) ]
128. ngậm 'put or throw into the moth' [ M hán 含 ɣām-, M xián 銜 ɣām-, OB gams, Siamese, Lao gām- (p. 72) ]
129. mất 'to die' [ M wáng 亡 mań-, Luśei mań (p. 72) ]
130. đen 'dark, black, somber' [ M xuán 玄 ɣuʷen-, Siamese, Lao gūn (night) (p. 72) ]
131. mồm '*jaw' [ also V môi 'lips', M wěn 吻 mǔn/ (lips), OB mur- (only in compound), Luśei hmur (point, end, tip), all Kukish languages 'mouth' || Minor group Kukish hmūr, Newari hmu-tu (p. 74), Central Kukish kukish *hmūr, Luśei hmūr (tip), Kapwi mun (p. 242) ]
132. bầu 'gourd' [ M Bur. bʿu\, Luśei būr (p. 74) ]
133. than 'ashes' [ M tān 炭 tʿān\, OB tʿal-ba, Siamese, Lao tʿān_1 (p. 75) ]
134. rắn 'snake' [ M mǐn 閩 min- (modern M shé 蛇), OB sbrul, M Bur. mrwe, Luśei rūl (p. 75) || A W. Bod. Sbalti ɣbul, Burig zbrul, Ladwags rul (p. 83), Northern Branch Thanphum rūl (Taʾoa), Matupi Xŗūl (p. 251), Old Kukish Kuki *p-r2-ūl, Luśei rūl, Aimol rul, Hrangkhol mi-rul (p. 258), Kom ma-ri, Tśiruma-ro (p. 261), Mara pa-ri, Sabeu pe-ri (p. 272), Maring pʿrul, Mikir (R.) pʿurul, Mikir (W.) pʿurui (p. 278), Burmish O Bur. mruy, N Bur. mvei, Intha hmvi, Danu mwe, Samong moiń, Lawng -moi, Tsaiwa măvi (p. 362) ]
135. rơi 'drop, fall, let fall' [ M luò 落, OB kʿrul, M Bur. kʿrwe (p. 75), also Luhupa Branch Kukish klu, Luśei tlu, Phadang ku loi- (p. 292) ]
136. mo 'practice sorcery' [ M wū 巫, OB rol-ba, M Bur. rwa (p. 75) ]
137. cuộn 'to coil' [ also V cuống 'roll', M juān 卷, 捲 kwīn (roll, scroll, roll up), OB bsgril (to wind), M Bur. kʿwe, Luśei kual (p. 75) ]
138. ho 'cough' [ M ké 咳 kʿayi\, Luśei kʿuʾ (p.76) || Central Kukish Kukish *m-r-kʿus, Kapwi kʿu (p. 242), Southern Branch Thado Thado kʿu, Śiyang kʿu (p. 251) ]
139. giời, trời, ngày 'sun, day' [ OB nyi-, M rì 日 nyit < *nyit-á < *nyi'-ta (p.76) || also OB nyin, E. dialect Dwags nyen-te (p. 114), Old Kukish *k?-ni, Luśei, Meithlei ni (p. 280), Burmish Bur. *ńi-, M Bur. neʾ, Lolo Ahi, Lolopho ńi, Chöko ńi, Ahi ńi-, Weining ńi, Phumoi ne¯, Akha nẵ¯, Ulu nie (p. 366) | (day) Baric Bodo -ni, Metś -nai, Dimasa, Tśutisa, Atong, Wanang, Ruga, Kontś, Mośang -ni, Namsingia -ńyi, Muthun, Mulung -nyi, -ni, Tśang nyet (p. 428) ]
140. cẳng 'foot, leg' [ ~ V chân, chơn', OB rkań || A W. Bod. Sbalti rkań 'origin', skań 'shin' (p. 79), Southern Bodish Dangdźongskad, Lhoskad, Śarpa kań- (p. 90), Eastern dialects Amdo rkań-wa (p. 105), Southern Kukish: Kukish *-kʿoń, Śo kʿon (p. 221), Old Kukish Luśei kʿoń, Meithlei kʿōń (p. 284), all other Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /ke/ (p. 253), Burmish Bur. *kʿri, M Bur. kʿre, Lolo Phumoi kʿu, Akha kʿu\, Ahi kʿi-, Nyi, Lolopho tśʿə-, Chöko tś (p. 366), Tśairelish Katśinish kʿoń/, Kadu lă-goń (p. 412) ]
141. cỏ 'grass' [ OB stswa || A W. Bod. Sbalti rtswa, Burig śtsoa (p. 79) ]
142. đói 'hunger' [ OB ltogs-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti ltok-, Burig ltok (p. 80) ]
143. trông 'look' [ OB tlos || A W. Bod. Sbalti, Burig ltos (p. 80)]
144. thấy 'see' [ OB mtʿoń, Sbalti, Burig tʿoń (p. 81), other Bod. languages Tsangla tʿoń (p. 117) , West Himalayish languages Buman, Themor, Kanauri, Mantśati -tań, Tśamba-Lahuli ta- (p. 133) ]
145. trống 'emty' [ OB stoń-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti stoń (p. 81), OT Bod. lang. Tsangla stoń-po (p. 117) ]
146. nồi 'vessel, pot' [ OB snod || A W. Bod. Sbalti snod (p. 81) ]
147. râu 'beard' [ OB sma-ra || A W. Bob. Sbalti smay-ra, Burig smayan-rā (p. 81), other Bod languages Ladwags smań-ra, Tsangla mań-ra (p. 118) ]
148. cửa 'door' [ OB sgo || A W. Bob. zgo, Burig zgō (p. 81), Eastern dialect sgo (p. 111), Minor groups Kukish kʿār, Newari kʿā, Burmish M Bur. kʿa\, (p. 384), Lolo Lisu kʿa (p. 384) ]
149. bọt 'bubble' [ OB sbu-ba || A W. Bob. zbw-, Burig zbal- (p. 81) ]
150. đêm 'night' [ OB mtsʿan-mo || A W. Bod. Sbalti tsʿan (p. 81), Souther Branch Kukish *yān, Luśei zān, Thado yān, Śiyang yan3, Vuite zan (p. 247) ]
151. màu 'color' [ OB mdog- || A W. Bob. Burig -dok (p. 82) ]
152. ngọt 'sweet' [ OB mńar-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti, Burig ńar- (p. 82) ]
153. môi, mỏ 'lips, beak' [ OB mtśʿu || A W. Bod. Sbalti kʿam-tśu, Burig kʿam-tśū (p. 82) ]
154. mũi 'nose' [ OB mtśʿul-pa || A W. Bod. Sbalti snam-sul (nostril), Burig snam-tśʿul (p. 82), Norther Assam Midźu mīnyuń, Meyöl mīnoń (p. 187) ]
155. bột 'flour' [ OB pʿye || A W. Bod. Sbalti -pʿe, Burig -pʿe (p. 82) ]
156. phía 'side, direction' [ OB pʿyogs || A W. Bod. Sbalti -pʿyox, Burig -pi (p. 82) ]
157. đôi 'pair' [ OB dor || A W. Bod. Sbalti dor (p. 83) ]
158. nóng 'hot' [ OB dro-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti trong-, Burig drun- (p. 83) ]
159. nhọn 'sharp' [ ~ V 'pointed' | OB rnon-pa || A W. Bod. Ladwags rnon- (J) (p. 83) ]
160. gió 'wind' [ OB rdzi || A W. Bod. Ladwags zi (p. 86), Luhupa Kukish t-k-?-kʿli, Luśei tʿli,Tengima -kʿra (p. 292) ]
161. nghe 'hear, listen' [ OB nyan || S. Bod. Lhoskad, Śarpa nyen (p. 91), E. dialects Dwags nyan, Central Branch Ngente, Haka ńai, Panku, hmar -ńai- (p. 230), Southern Branch Kukish *-r-ńai-, Luśei ńai, Thado ńai-, Ralte -ńai-, Śiyang ńai, Vuite -ńei- (p.246), Burmish Bur. *na¯, M Bur. na, Lolo Phumoi, Akha na\, Nyi na¯, Ahi nō¯ , Lolopho no¯ (p. 366) ]
162. ngủ 'sleep' [ OB snyid || S. Bod. Groma nyiʾ- (p. 91) ]
163. khác 'different' [ OB kʿyad || C. Bod. Choni kʿyä (p.102) ]
164. vua 'king' [ OB rgyal-po || E. dialects Amdo rgyal-wo (p. 105) ]
165. bànchân 'foot' [ OB bań, OB rkań-pa (leg) || E. dialects Amdo hkań-wa (p. 106), Khams rkań-pa (p. 112), W. Hima. lang. Thebor bań-kʿat (p. 133) ]
166. thẳng 'straigth' [ OB drań-po || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla drań-po (p. 117) ]
167. bứt 'pull out weeds' [ OB pʿut (pf.) || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla pʿut (p. 118) ]
168. trắng 'white' [ OB dkar-ba || OT Bod. lang. Gurung, Marmi, Thaksya tar- | Shafer: Parallel to OB dkar-ba "white" are not found ouside Bodish, and one can only say the the primitive Tibeto-Burmic form may have been *t-ɣar which would explain the preservation of the prefix and the dropping of the initial.) (p. 125) ]
169. lại 'arrive, come' [ OB sleb || W. Himal. lang. Bunan leb, Mantśti hleb (p 138), Minor group Toƫo, Dhimal le- (p. 169) ]
170. chânmày 'eyebrow' [ W. Himal. lang. Thebor mik-tśam (also 'eyelashes'), Kanauri mik-tsam (p. 140) ]
171. móng 'claw, fingermail' [ OB sder-mo || West Central and East Himalayish Vayu deme (p. 144) ]
172. củ 'potato' [ OB skyi-ba || W. C E. Himal. lang. Dumi ki 'yam', Kulung kʿe, Rodong -ki, Kiranti, Waling -kʿi, Balali kʿu, Limbu, Yakkha kʿe (p. 152) ]
173. quăng 'throw awy' [ Kunkish worʾ < *warʾ || Minor groups Newari wā- (p. 160) ]
174. bận 'put on clothes, wear' [ Southern Branch Kukhish *bun, Kukish bun, Luśei bun, Ralte -bn-, Śiyang būn (p. 250) || Minor groups Newari pũ (K), Tśairelish Katśingish bun, Kadu pʿun (p. 411) ]
175. cột 'bind, tie' [ N. Ass. Midźu kid3 (M), Meyöl kid3 (p. 185), Tśairelish Katśinish kʿit, Kadu git (p. 410) ]
176. nâu 'brown' [ N. Ass. Midźu rańāl, Meyöl ńāl (p. 186) ]
177. bắp 'corn' [ N. Ass. Midźu b@ (N), Taying ma-bōl(N) (p. 186) ]
178. ruộng 'field [ N. Ass. Miśing jhum, Yano rek, Bunan rig (p. 204) ]
179. khum 'bow down' [ Kukish kum ?, (to stoop), Ka. kum, gūm || N. Ass. Miśing kum, Yano rek, Bunan rig (p. 204) ]
180. cùng 'together' [ Kukish M-kʿ@m || N. Ass. Miśing kum (p. 204) ]
181. kẹp 'pinch, tongs' [ Kukish -kʿep, Dimasa kʿep (p. 204) ]
182. vùi 'bury' [ S. K. Kukish *wui, Luśei vui, Khimi vui (p. 208), S. Br. Thado wui, Śiyang wi (p.249), Luhupa Branch Kukish *wui, Luśei vui, Phadang tśa-hui (p. 312 ) ]
183. ngắn 'short' [ S. K. Luśei hniam, Śo nyen, -nen (p. 218) ]
184. bẩn [ S. K. Hwalngau bāl, Śo ba (p. 220) ]
185. ỉa 'deffecate' [ S. K. Luśei ēkʾ, Śo ek (p. 221) ]
186. mốc 'mildew' [ S. K. Luśei ēkʾ hmuar, Śo -hm@ (p. 221) ]
187. sét 'thunderbolt' [ S. K. *-krēk, Luśei tēk, Tśinbok ń-grēk/ (p. 222), Old Kukish *M-Krēk, Tśiru me-tśek, Purum -tek (p. 261) ]
188. nạ 'mother' [ Central Branch Kukish *nu\, Haka, Panku nu, Taungtha, Śonśe -nu, Bandźogi nu (p. 230), all Old Kukish languages show the articulation of /nu/ (p. 252) ]
189. vỏ 'husk' [ C. Br. Kukish *wai, Luśei wai, Pankhu -vai, Haka vai (p. 230), Old Kukish Meithlei wai (p. 282) ]
190. voi 'elephant' [ O Bur. *m-ɣui\, Śo (a)-mui\, Yawdwin m-wi, Ukhrul mă-vhû, Phadang mahwi (pp. 25-27), C. Br. all languages, Haka, Taungtha, Śonśe wi (p. 232), Lahupa Branch Kukish *m-ɣui\, Luśei wi, Ukhrul mă-vʿu, Phadang ma-hwi (p. 312 ) ]
191. trong 'clear' [ C. Br. Kukish *M-r-tʿiańʾ, Kapwi ma-tʿeń (p. 242) ]
192. xấu 'bad' [ Northern Branch Kukish *tśiatʾ, Luśei tśiatʾ, Śiyang śiě, sʿia (p. 244) ]
193. xa 'far' [ Southern Branch Kukish *hlaʾ, Luśei lā, Thado -la, Ralte -la-, Śiyang -la, Vuite -la (p. 246) ]
194. lại 'again' [ S. Br. Kukish leʾ, Luśei leʾ, Thado le, Ralte leʾ, Śiyang le, Vuite leʾ (p. 248) ]
195. lần 'times' [ S. Br. Kukish *lai, Luśei lai, Thado -lai, Ralte -lai-, Śiyang lai, Vuite -lai- (p. 248) ]
196. bự, bà 'large, female' [ C. Br. Kukish *pui, Luśei pui, Haka pi, Śonśe, Bandźogi -pi (p. 234), S. Br. (also 'female') Thado -pí, Śiyang -pui, Vuite pi (p. 249) ]
197. ức, ngực 'chest' [ S. Br. Kukish *ir, Luśei, Ralte ir (p. 249) ]
198. mỏ 'mouth' [ ~ V 'miệng, mồm, mõm' | S. Br. Kukish *hmūr, Luśei hmūr, Thado mu, Śiyang muʾ (p. 249), Old Kukish Luśei hmūr (also V mõm 'point', Mara hm@-, Tlongsai -hmo (p. 172), Luhupa Branch Maring, Khoibu mur, Ukhrul mor, Kupome mo-, Khunggoi -mo, Kwoireng -mun, Rengma mań- (p. 324) ]
199. nói 'say' [ OB ńag, M Bur. ńak (speech) (pp. 36-39), S. Br. Kukish *śoi, Luśei śoi, Thado śoi-, Ralte -śoi- (p. 249) ]
200. mọi 'slave' [ S. Br. Kukish *boiʾ, Luśei boiʾ, Ralte boi-, Vuite boi (p. 249) ]
201. đầy 'full' [ S. Br. Kukish *dim, Luśei dim-, Thado dim, Śiyang ɖim (p. 251), Tśairelish Katśinish dim, Kadu dem (p. 411) ]
202. ruột 'bowels' [ Northern branch Thanphum ă-rīn, Matupi Xrīl (p. 251), OK Kukish *k-r2il, Luśei ril, Mara ri (p. 272) ]
203. mất 'lose' [ OK Kuki *mań, *hmań, Luśei mań, Aimol, Purum -mań-, Hallam mań- (p. 256) , Luhupa Branch Rengma -mʿe-, ememai mo-]
204. thật 'very' [ OK Kuki *tak, Holhreng -tak (p. 256) ]
205. rất 'much, many' [ OK Kuki *yāt, Kolhreng -yāt- (p. 257) ]
206. cải 'quarrel' [ OK Kuki *kalʾ, Luśei kalʾ, Anal kal- (p 257) ]
207. rớt 'fall' [ OK Kuki *klākʾ, Luśei tlākʾ, Biate, -klākʾ (p.257) ]
208. uống 'drink' [ OK Kuki *in, Luśei in, Biate in, Purum in-, Kom -in- (pp. 257-258) ]
209. cừu 'goat' [ V. trừu 'sheep', OK Kuki *kēl, Luśei kēl, Tśiru, Purum, Lnagong kel, Kom ke (p. 259), Luhupa Branch Maring, Ukhrul yaǒ (p. 312) ]
210. cóc 'toad' [ OK Kuki *Prok, Luśei, Lamgang -ţok, Tarao -tok (pp. 262-262) ]
211. cồng 'drum' [ OK Kuki *kʿuań, Luśei kʿuań, Tśiru, Lamgang kʿoń, Aimol kʿūwoń, Langrong -kʿ@ń, Hrangkhol kʿoń-, Kolhreng kʿūwoń, Kom kʿan (p. 260) ]
212. muốn 'wish' [ OK Kuki *nuam, Luśei nuam, Aimol -nwom-, Langrong -n@m-, Hrangkhol pūn, Kolhreng -nūwom-, Kom -hnūm- (p. 260) ]
213. trai 'masculine' [ OK Luśei tśal, Kom ma-tśe, Tśiru a-tsa (. p 261) ]
214. rào 'fence' [ OK Luśei pal, Kom ra-pe, Tśiru ra-pa (p. 261) ]
215. dê 'goat, wild goat' [ M yáng 羊 ịań || Burmish Lolo Nyi źo/, Ahi źu-, Lolopho ya/ (373), also O Bur. *-it, M Bur. tśʿit, Lolo Phumoi tsut, Akha tśʿi, Ulu tśʿyi (p. 372), OK Kukish *M-ya, Luśei, Mara sa-ya, Tlongsai s@-z@ (p. 266), also Kukish *yau, Meithlei yao (sheep) (p. 282) | (~ SV 'mùi' wèi 未 as in the 12 animal Zodiac table), Kukish *me, Luśei me, Śandu mya (p. 269), Luhupa Branch Maram mi, Kwoireng, Khoirao -ka-mi (p. 307) ]
216. nắng 'sun' [ OK Kukish *k?-ni\, Luśei ni, Mara, Tlongsai, Hawthai nań (p. 267) ]
217. nghe(lời) 'obey, listen' [ OK Kukish *-r-ńai, Luśei ńai, Sabeu -ńey (p. 269), Luhupa Branch Hlota -ńa-, Tśungli -ńa, Longla ńa (p. 310) ]
218. kéo 'force or pull open' [ Old Kukish Kukish *t-keo, Luśei keo, Mara *sa-kei (p. 269) ]
219. câu 'fishhook' [ OK Kukish *ar-t?-kuai, Luśei -kuai, Mara kei (p. 269) ]
220. lật 'turn over' [ OK Kukish *M-let, *let 'upside down', Luśei let, letʾ, Mara pa-li, li, (p. 269) ]
221. nhét 'tack in' [ OK Kukish *yepʾ, Luśei zepʾ, Mara zi (p. 271) ]
222. kén 'choisy' [ OK Kukish *kʿiań, Luśei kʿiań, Tlongsai, Mara kʿ (p. 271) ]
223. vượn 'monkey' [ OK Kukish *-y@ń, Luśei z@ń, Tlongsai a-zeu, Miram -a-zau_ (p. 271), Meithlei yōm (p. 280), Luhupa Branch Maring yuń, Khoibu, Ukhrul, Phadang Kupome, Khunggoi, C. and N. Luhupa, Maram, Khoirao -yoń, Kwoireng -dźoń (pp. 296, 297) ]
224. hàn 'solder' [ OK Kukish *hār, Luśei hār, Tlongsai h@- (p. 271) ]
225. tên 'arrow' [ OK Kukish *tʿal, Luśei tʿal, Sabeu tśa-tey (p. 272), Mikir tāl (p. 277) ]
226. tre 'bamboo' [ OK Kukish *tśāl, Luśei tśāl, Hawthai -tśa, Sabeu -tśe (p. 272) ]
227. thúi 'rot' [ OK Kukish *tʿu, Haka tu, Mara tu, Mikir tʿu (p. 277) ]
228. đồn 'be rumored' [ OK Kukish *tʿańʾ, Luśei tʿań, Mikir tʿań (rumor) (p. 277) ]
229. cúi 'bend down' [ OK Kukish *kūr, Luśei kūr, Mikir kur (p. 278) ]
230. lưng 'back' [ OK Kukish *hnuń, Luśei hnuń, Mikir nuń (p. 278) ]
231. dòng 'water course' [ OK Kukish *duń, Luśei duń, Mikir doń (p. 278) ]
232. trả(giá) [ OK Kukish *d@r, Luśei d@r, Mikir dor-pet (p. 278) ]
233. trùn 'worm' [ OK Kukish *til, Luśei til, Meithlei til (p. 279) ]
234. ngươi 'thou' [ OK Kukish *nań, Luśei, Meithlei nań (p. 283) ]
235. phồng 'swell' [ OK Kukish *puam, Luśei puam, Meithlei pom- (p. 284), Luhupa Branch Rong pǔm-byom (p. 319), M Bur pʿwamʾ, O Bod sbom-, Tśairelish Katśinish puam, Kadu pum (p. 411) ]
236. sừng 'horn' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-ń-r-ki, Luśei ki, Maring tśi, Khoibu, Khoirao -tśi, Phadang tśe, Kupome mă-tśew, Khunggoi-tśi, C. Luhupa -m-tśi, N. Luhupa (a)kă-tśü, Kabui tśai (p. 287) ]
237. sợ, dè 'fear' [ (See also cử, kỵ) Luhupa Branch Kukish *kri, Luśei ţi, Maring, Khunggoi, Mongsen tśi-, Ukhrul ńă-tśi, Phadang n-dźé, Tśangki tsắ- (p. 290), Tśungli -tso, Mongsen tsi-, also Tśangki tsê- (p. 305) ]
238. hùm 'tiger' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish hum, Maring hum-, Khoibu hom-, Khoirao -hu- (p. 300) ]
239. hành 'onion' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *ho, Kupome, Maram, Kabui -hau (pp. 299, 300) ]
240. trái 'left' [ Luhupa Branch Hukish *t-p?-wei, Luśei vei-, Kupomr wai- (p. 307) ]
241. mối 'white ant' [ Luhupa Branch *lei, Luśei lei-, Ukhrul, Kupome, Khunggoi lei-, Phadang lei-3 (p. 307) ]
242. hay 'know' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *tʿeiʾ, Luśei tʿei-?, Kabui tai- (p. 308) ]
243. chơi 'to play' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *tśai, Luśei tśai, Hlota tśa- (p. 310) ]
244. sôi 'to boil' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *so, Luśei śo, Tśungli -so, Rong tsu (p. 311) ]
245. càocào 'grassshopper' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *kʿau, Luśei kʿao, Ukhrul kʿaǒ, Imemai kʿ-to-zê, Zumoni tʿla-ku (p. 312) ]
246. làm 'make, do' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *siam, Luśei śiam, Zumomi śi-, Tengima si- (p. 322), Burmish O Bur, M Bur. lup, N Bur. louʾ, Arak., Intha lot, Tavoy lauʾ, Samong lak (p. 361) ]
247. chị 'man's sister' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *far, Luśei, Maring tśar, Ukhrul -tsar, Kupome -dźa-, Maram -ti-, Kwoireng -tan- (p. 324) ]
248. dệt 'weave' [ Burmish O. Bur. rak, M. Bur. rak, N. Bur. yeʾ, Intha yak, Danu yet, Tavoy yit (p. 346), Lolo Ahi ye\, Nyi ie-, Lolopho yi (p.370) ]
249. bỗng 'suddenly' [ Burmish M. Bur. pʿrut-, N. Bur. pʿyouʾ-, Lawng pyat ('fast') (p. 358) ]
250. dậy 'stand up' [ Burmish O. Bur. ryap, M Bur. rap, N. Bur. yaʾ, Arak. yatʾ, Tavoy yat, Letśi, Tsaiwa yap (p. 359) ]
251. khum 'to stoop' [ Burmish O Bur. kʿum, M Bur. kʿum, N Bur. kʿoũ\, Lawng kam, Tsaiwa kim (p. 361) ]
252. xong 'complete' [ Burmish O Bur. tśum, M Bur. tśum, N Bur. soũ, Tavoy saũ (p. 361) ]
253. cơm 'food, cooked rice' [ Burmish Bur. *tśa-, M Bur. tśa, Lolo Nyi tsa-, Ahi tso- (p. 366) ]
254. chó 'dog' [ Burmish Bur. *kʿwi\, M Bur. kʿwe\, Lolo Phumoi, Akha kʿu\, Nyi, Lolopho tśʿə\ (p. 366) ]
255. chợ 'market' [ Burmish M Bur. dźʿe\, Lolo Ahi tśʿə\, Nyi kʿə\, Lolopho tśʿə¯ (p. 367) ]
256. gai 'thorn' [ Burmish Bur. *tś(ʿ)o\, M Bur. tśʿu, Lolo Lolopho tśu (p.369) ]
257. mặc 'to dress' [ Burmish Bur. *wat, M Bur. wat (p. 3371) ]
258. quay 'spin' [ Burmish Bur. *wań, M Bur. wańʾ, Lolo Lolopho va (p. 373) ]
259. dẫn 'lead' [ Burmish Lolo tsiń\, Ahi tsań\ (p. 374) ]
260. u 'mother' [ Tśairelish Tśairel (a)-u, Mru u, Katśinish u ? (p. 391) ]
261. hăm 'twenty' [ Tśairelish Katśinish m-kul, Andro hol, Sak hūn (p. 397) ]
262. non 'young, soft' [ Tśairelish Katśinish -no, Kadu nu (p. 408) ]
263. phun 'sprinke' [ ~ V 'bắn' | Tśairelish Katśinish pʿul, Kadu bun (p. 408) ]
264. lăn 'roll' [ Tśairelish Katśinish lum, Kadu lum- (p. 410) ]
265. sạch 'clean' [ OB seń-, Tśairelish Katśinish M-r-?-tʿiańʾ, Kadu seń (p. 411) ]
266. lá 'leaf' [ OB lab-ma || W. Himal. lang. Kukish lap?, Bunan, Mantśti lab (p 138), Tśairelish Katśinish lap, Rawang -lāp, Khalang -lăp (p. 402), Mnyamskad lap-ti, West Himal. lab, Midźu, Kadu lap (p. 405), Luśei la, Karenic *hla\, Karenni lä, Pwo lə28, Sgaw lə7, Bwe lä7 (p. 414) ]
267. vợ 'wife' [ ~ V 'mợ' | OB sna, O Bur. hna, Karenic *hma-, Karenni mä, Pwo mə38, Sgaw mā1, Bwe mäʾ (p. 414) ]
268. cọp 'tiger' [ Old Burmese t-kei, Middle Burmese kya\ < *kla < *kī-la, Luśei -kei, Tśiru ă-kei, Mara tśa-kei, Meithlei kei, Mikir te-ke (pp.22-23), Southern Branch Kukish *t-kei, Luśei keiʾ, Thado -kei, Śiyang, Vuite kei (p. 248), Old Kukish Tśiru -kei, Amol ă-kei, Purum kei, Hrangkhol -gei, Hallam -ǐkei (p. 253), Old Kukish Mara tśa-kei, Tlongsai, Hawthai, Zotung kei (p. 268), Khami tă-kei, Mikir ta-ke (p. 277), Karenic Pwo -kʿē38_, Sgaw kʿē2, Bwe kʿe (p.416) ]
269. bể, biển 'sea' [ M. Bur. pań-lay, Karenic *pań, Pwo pə9-lai28, Sgaw pä7-lâ7, p@7-lâ7 (pp. 416, 418) ]
270. gò ‘hill, mound’ [ M qīu 丘kʿu, M xū 虛 kʿǒ-, Siamese kʿo/ (p.44) | M. Bur. ko, Luśei ko, Karenic *kʿo\, Pwo kʿo28 (p. 416) ]
271. mợ 'mother' [ OB mo, Karenic *mo\, Pwo mo5, Sgaw mo8 (p. 416) ]
272. cổ 'throat' [ OB lkog-ma || A W. Bod. Sbalti rkox | Karenic *gok, Pwo kʿǒʾ1, Sgaw kǒ4 (p. 417) ]
273. mơ 'dream' [ OB rmań-lam, M Bur. mak, Kukish mań || OT Bod. lang. Rgyarong (rta)-rmo (E.) (p. 121) | Northern Assam Taying ya-mo (p. 190), Miśing, Abor ma(ń), Yano -m@, E. Nyising -ma, Tagen m@-na (p. 196), Burmish O Bur. ʿip-mak, N. Bur. meʾ, Lawng -m@ (p. 346) | Luśei mań, Karenic *mańʾ, Pwo -meʾ3, Sgaw -m@8, Taungthu -mań, Paku -mo5, Geba, Bwe -ma2, Yinbaw -mańn (pp. 418, 419) ]
274. nhớ 'remember' [ Karenic Paku -no4, Bwe, Geba -ne2, Nuku -ne\¯ (p. 419) ]
275. lồn 'vagina' [ Karenic Paku li5, Bwe ¢li2, Geba a2li2, Taungyi lịn, Thaton lịn2 (p. 419) ]
276. cặt 'penis' [ OB mdźe- || A W. Bob. Sbalti dźe- (p. 81) ]
277. ngón 'finger, toe' [ OB mdzug-gu, O Bur. *m-yuń, Luśei zuń, Khimi mă-zuń, Maring, Phadang m-yuń, Tśangli me-yon, Maring ma-tin (p. 44) || A W. Bod. Burig źūʿ (p. 81), Central Branch Kukish *m-yuń, Kapwi -uń (p. 240) | also OB bran-mo, West Himalayish languages Thebor brań, Suntśu bran-tś, Kanauri prat-ts, Mantśati bren-ze (p. 136), Southern Branch Thado -yuń, Ralte zuń, Śiyang -zyum, Vuite zuń- (p. 247), Luhupa Branch -ma-yuń, Ukhrul yuń-, Kupome -yuń-, Kwoireng, Kabui -dźuń, Empeo dźuń- (p. 316), Hlota -ioń-, Tśungli me-yoń, Mongsen -mi-yuń (p. 318), Rengma dźoń-u (p. 320), Tśairelish Katśinish m-yuń, Kadu l-iūń (p. 410) | 'finger' Karenic Geba -nõ1, Naku -no¯, Yinbaw -nou1, Taungyi -noń2, Thaton -noń3 (p. 420) ]
278. đá 'stone' [ OB rdo || A W. Bob. rdo-, Burig rdǒa (p. 80), Ladwags rdo (p. 85), Eastern dialects Amdo ʾdo (p.108) | Karenic Paku lö5, Bwe, Geba lo2, Nuku loʾ\¯ (p.420) ]
279. cứt ‘dung, feces, excrement’ [ M shǐ 屎 tśi, OB ltśi-ba (p. 59), skyi-bskyis, Siamese kʿī\2, M. Bur. kʿye\, Dimaras kʿi, Katśin kʿyi (p.44), Burmish Bur. *kʿyi\, Lolo Ahi kʿi\, Nyi tśʿə\, Lolopho tśʿə¯ (p. 366) | Karenic Sgaw kʾī2- (p. 421) ]
280. cong ‘crooked, bent’ [ M Bur. kwań\, OB koń (p.46), Old Kukish Kuki *-koi, Luśei koi, Biate koi (p. 255), Meithlei -kʿoi- (p. 282) | Baric Dimasa goń, Garo goń-, Namsangia -kuań (p 427) ]
281. cắn 'bite' [ O Bur. *m-kei3, Ukhrul -mă-kei, Khadang n-ki, Khunggoi ma-ka-, kabu kai-, Maram ma-ke, Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-kei, Luśei keiʾ, Maring kă-mei, Phadang -n-ki-, Khunggoi ma-ka-, Maram ma-ke-, Kwoireng ma-ki, Kabui kai-, Khoirao n-kei-, Empeo n-ki (p. 308) | Baric Wanang, Atong kak-, Tingtikiya kań-(na), Ruga, Rabha kak-, (p. 427) Mośang kok, Namsangia kak- (p. 444) ]
282. cằm 'chin' [ Luśei kʿa, Karenic *kʿa\, Pwo kʿə28-lə1, Sgaw kʿə7, Bwe kʿä2 (p. 414) | Baric Dimasa kʾu-sga, Namsangia kaʾ, Banbara ka (jaw), Tśang kau-śań (p 427) ]
283. quạ 'crow' [ OB kʿwa-ta, Baric Garo, Bodo, Metś, Tipora, Dimasa, Namsangia -kʿa (p. 427) ]
284. mặt 'face' [ Southern Kukish Kukish *hmai, Luśei hmai, Khimi -mai (p. 207), Central Branch Haka hmai-, Śonśe hmai, Bandźogi mai (p. 230), Kapwi mai- (p. 239), Southern Branch Thado mai, Śiyang, Vuite mai (p.246), Northern Branch Thanphum -hmai, Matupi m(ə)hūt (p. 251), Luhupa Branch Marin, Ukhrul, Phadang mai, Kupome, Khunggoi mai1, Hlota -mʿa, Tśungli, Mongsen ma (p. 310), and most of the Old Kukish languages show the articulation of either /hmai/ or /mai/ (p. 253), Meithlei mai (p. 282) | Baric Garo mik-kʿań, Bodo mă-kʿań, Metś mu-kʿań, Tipora, Dimasa mu-kʿāń (p. 427) ]
285. tro 'ashes' [ Baric Garo tapra, Tipora, Dimasa tʿāpla, Bodo hatʿ@pla, Metś ha-topla, Atong tap-pa-ra, Mośang tap-tʿa, Namsangia tapla, Tśang tap (p. 428) ]
286. cắp 'steal' [ OB rku, Burmese kʿui\, Baric Mosang a-gu, Namsangia hu-, Angwangku ku, Tśang kok (p. 428) ]
287. cánh 'wing' [ N. Assam Midźu kloń (M), Meyöl (p. 185) | Baric Garo grań, Tipora -kra (feather), Metś grań, Dimasa -gă-rań (feather), Wanang ka-rań, Mośang wu-roń, Banpara rań (p 428) ]
288. sống 'live, alive, raw, green' [ OB gson || A W. Bod. xson-, Burig son (p. 78) | Bur. hrań (live, to be alive), Kukish -hriń\, Baric Bodo, Metś tʿań, Dimasa, Lalung tʿań, Garo -tʿań, gi-tiń (unripe, green), Wanang -tiń (raw), Mośań -tʿiń (unripe), Namsangia -hiń (green, raw), Thebor -siń (live), Kanauri śöń (alive, to live), Mantśti sriń (live, living), Katśinish kă-siń (raw, not ripe) (p.436) ]
289. xơi 'eat' [ OB dgu, M Bur. tśa\ || W. C E. Himal. lang. Khambu tśa, Kulung, Waling, Kiranti tśo, Limbu tśe (p. 146) | Baric Garo tśaʾ-5, Abeng tśa-ʾ, Dacca tśa-, Wanang sa-, Atong saʾ-, Tintikiya, Rabha sa-, Ruga si-, Kontś sa, Bodo zaʾ-, Metś dźa-, Dimasa dźi, Tipora tśa-, Lalung, Mośang sa, Tśang śsau- (pp. 436, 437) ]
290. làng 'village' [ Baric Tśang sāń (p437) ]
291. khói 'smoke' [ OB kʿu (NNW), M Bur. -kʿui\, Luśei -kʿu (p. 59) || Kukish *m-kʿru, Bur. -kʿui\, Diamasa -kʿu-di, Katśin -kʿru (p.44) || West Himalayish languages Bunan, Thebor kʿu (p. 132), other Bod. languages Rgyarong -kʿu (p. 120), Meithlei -kʿu (p. 280), Luhupa Branch, Holta -kʿu, Tśungli, Mongsen -kʿo-1, Khari k-ü, Maring kʿu, Ukhrul kʿut, Phadang -kʿut, Khunggoi -kʿu, Dayang -kʿu (pp. 305, 306), Burmish Bur. *kʿui\, Lolo Akha kʿo\, Nyi kʿə\, Ahi kʿö\, Ulu kʿö, Wei-ning kʿü (p. 368) | Baric Garo, Tipora, Muthun -kʿu, Dimasa -kʿu-di, Atong -kʿu-si, Mośang -kru (p. 441) ]
292. cú 'owl' [ V cũ 'old', M jìu 舊 gǔ\ (Chin. mordern 'old', it is interesting see the phonetic resemblance in both words.), M Bur. ku, Luśei *ku, Siamese, Lao go^ (p. 60) | Baric Garo, Bodo, Metś, Tipora, Dimasa, Namsangia -kʿudu (p. 427) || other Bod. languages Rgyarong -kʿu (p. 120) | Baric Tipora, Bodo, Metś -kʿu (p. 441) ]
293. mây 'cloud, fog' [ OB rmugs-pa || N. Ass. Miśing d@-muk, Yano d@-mök, Tagen d@-möʾ (p. 200), Luhupa Branch Kukish *t-mei, Luśei -mei, Maring ră-mai (p. 308), Tśairelish Tśairel mai, Kaśatsinish t?-mei (p. 391) | Kukish t?-mei, Baric Tśang sań-mei (p. 442) ]
294. xương 'bone' [ OB rus-pa | OT Bod. lang. Rgyarong śa-ru (E.), śarhu (H.) p. 120), || West Central and East Himalayish Bahing rö-sye, Sunwari ru-śe, Tśaurasya ru-su, Dumi sa-lu < *sa-ru, Khaling so-lo, Rodong sa-ru-wa, Karanti sa-i-ba, Waling sa-iwa, sa-rʿ-wa, Rungtśh sa-yu-ba, yu-ba, (p. 148), Karenic Paw tświ28, Sinhma, Tangthu -swi (p.423) | OB rus-, Kukish r2us, Bur. ʿă-rui\, Katśin nrut (Shaffer: "No single explanation will account for all the irregularities. In the word for "bone" rus appears to be from ru-sá, primitively in a compound, as indicated by Bahing (E. Him.) rö-sye, but with the elements of the compound reversed in some of the other languages where the root has no final -s: Rgyarong śa-ru Rawang śă-rä < *-ru."), Note: reversed emphasized by dchph. (p. 443) | Baric Garo greń, Wanang, Atong, Ruga kereń, Bodo, Metś -geń, Dimasa -gereń (446) ]
295. cành 'branch, fork' [ M gé 格 *kāk, M Bur. kʿak (p. 72), Luhupa Branch Kukish *kāk, Luśei kāk, Zumoni -kü-ba (p. 320) | Kukish kāk, Baric Mośang -kāk, Ka. lă-ga (p. 444) ]
296. quạt 'fan' [ OK Kukish *yāpʾ, Luśei zāpʾ, Mikir hi-zāpʾ (p. 277) | OB -yab, Burmese yab, Kukish ʿyāp, Baric Banpara rań zep, Tśang wän yep (p. 445) ]
297. chí, chấy 'louse' [ OB śig || W. Himal. lang. Kukish hrig, Bunan śrig, Thebor śi, Kanauri rik (p. 135) | Baric Garo tik, Dimasa tʿi-pu, tʿi-ku, Mośang tik, Tipora mok-ol, Bodo meg-an, (p. 445) (Viet. iro "conmắt"?) ]
298. mắt 'eye' [ M mù 目 muk, OB mig, M Bur. myak (myuk), Luśei mit (pp. 36-39) || Eastern dialects Khams mig (p. 112), Dwags mig (p. 115), W. Himal. lang. Kukish mik', Bunan mig, Thebor mi, Kanauri migʾ (p. 138), West Central and East Himalyish Raling, Kiranti mak, Dumi mik-, ma- (p. 153), Northern Assam Midźu miʾ (p. 181), Southern Kukish Kukish *mik', Śo miʾ (p. 220), Southern Branch Kukish *mik', Luśei mit, Thado mit, Ralte, Vuite mit-, Śiyang miţ' (p.246), Old Kukish Kuki *mik', Tśiru mik, Aimo, Purum, Langrong, Hallam mit, Hrangkhol mīń (p. 257), Mikir mek, Ukhrul mk (p. 178), Luhupa Maring mit, Ukhrul mik, Maram -mek, Kabui hmik, Empeo -mik, Hlota -mʿyek (p. 316) | Braic Garo mik-ron, Dacca muk-ruń, Wanang mək-kər, Atong mik-ren, Rabha muk-en, Ruga mul-um, Metś ʿmo-gon, Konts muk-un, Mośang, Tśangge mak, Muthun mik, Banpara mit, Mulung mit (p. 445) ]
299. ngáy 'snore' [ O Bur. *m-hnār, Luśei hnār, Mara pa-hn@, E. Mikir iń-nar, Mikir iń-ńar (by assimilation) (pp. 25-27), OK Kukish *m-hnār, Luśei hnār, Mara pa-hn@ (p. 271), E. Mikir iń-nar, Miker iń-ńar (p. 277) | Bodish ńug, Kukish -ńūk, Gtsang nug, Baric Tśang ńak-(ńak) (pp. 428, 445) ]
300. nai 'deer' [ Old Kukish Kuki *ŋai, Luśei sa-ŋai, Tśiru, Aimol, Purum, Kolhreng, Kom să-ŋai, Lamgang -să-ŋai (p. 253), Kukish *ńai, Meithlei să-ńai (p. 179), Luhupa Branch Maring să-ŋai, Ukhrul sa-ŋai (p. 309) Baric Dimasa mi-śai, Tipora mu-sai, Banpara mai (p. 447) ]
301. trâu 'buffalo' [ Northern Assam Miśinguish Midźu tăloi (p. 182), Old Kukish Kukish *loi, Luśei loi, Meithlei i-roi (p. 282) | Burmese kywai < *klwai, Megyaw ka-lui, Siamese gwāy, Baric Banpara lui, Kaśatsinish ńa-loi (p. 447) ]
302. ai 'I' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish *ʾei, Phadang i, Kupome ai, Khunggoi ei3 (p. 307) | Baric Garo ańa, Bodo, Metś ań < *áńa (p. 447) ]
303. dày 'thick' [ OK Kukish *tʿsaʾ, Luśei tʿsaʾ, Mara tʿsa (p. 266) | Baric Namsangia -tat (fat), Angwanku dʒei, Phom dʒet (p. 448) ]
304. chín 'ripe' [ Baric Namsangia tśum, Muthun, Banpara dźum, Lulung yim, Angwanku e-dźim, Tśang săm- (p. 448) ]
305. đen 'black' [ OT Bod. lang. Gurung mloń-ya, Marmi mlań-ai, Thaksya malań (p. 127),Tśairelish Katśinish dum, Andro tum-, Sengmai tʿum-, Sak -tʿün (p. 397) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese tām, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung dăm, Tay noir lăm, Li dɔm (p. 459) ]
306. lấy 'take, get' [ Minor group Newari lā- (p.158) | Southern Kukish Khimi lau < *lo (p. 207), Southern Branch Kukish *laʾ, Luśei lākʾ, Thado laʾ, Ralte -la-, Śiyang la, Vuite -la- (p.246) || Also Luhupa Branch Kukish *lo\, Luśei lo, Maram, Kwoireng lo-, Kabui lao, Khoirao lau-, Empeo lu-, Zumomi lu-, Dayang lu, Tengima le, Tśakrima le- (p. 299), Tśairelish Katśingish lo, Kadu lu, Rawang lu (p. 404) | Baric Mośang lu (seize), Namsangia lu- (catch), (pp. 435, 441) | (Haudricourt) Daic Shan lăy, Siamese ʾtai, Lao, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi day, Sui, Mak ʔday, Bê zɔy (p. 459) ]
307. bản, buôn 'village' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾpān, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung, Tho bān, Ahom, Dioi ban (p. 260) ]
308. chết 'die, dead, death' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese grak, Lao, Shan khok, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc tśok (p. 260) ]
309. nhỏ 'little boy' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ŋāy, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Sui ńāy, Dioi ńay, Sui ńe (p. 463) ]
310. đái 'urinate' [ M niào 尿 nīau\, Siamese yīyěw, Lao ńyəw_^, ńiew (p. 65) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese yīewʾ, Lao, Dioi ñiew, Ahom ñew, Shan yew, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak new (pp. 463, 464) ]
311. nàng 'young girl, woman' [ (young girl) (Haudricourt) Viet. 'nàng', Chinese 娘 nāń (M. niáng), Daic Siamese hñiń, Lao -ñiŋ, Ahom ñüń, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho ñiŋ (pp. 464, 473), (as woman) Daic Siamese nāŋ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung nāń (p. 464) ]
312. ngoài 'outside' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese naak, Lao, Shan, nɔk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc nɔʔ, Tho, Nung nɔk (p. 464) ]
313. lắm 'much, many' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese hlāy, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung lāy, Dioi, Ahom lay (p. 466) ]
314. bông 'flower' [ OB buń, M Bur. -pwańʾ || W. C E. Himal. lang. Thulung buńʾ, Tśaurasya, Waling, Balali, Vayu buń, Rungtśh, Kiranti buń-, Limbu, Yakha pʿuń (p. 146, 147), Southern Kukish Kukish *pār, Luśei pār, Śo ba (p. 220), OK Mara p@, Tlongsai p@-, Śandu pa (p. 271), Luhupa Branch Maring, Khibu, Ukhrul pār, Khoirao pān, Empeo -pa, Tśungli -ben, Rong -bor (p. 287), Khoireng -pen (p. 324), Tśairelish Katśinish pār, Kadu pan (p. 409) | Baric Garo bal, Metś -bar, Tśutiya i-ba, Wanang par, Atong pal-wa (V 'bônghoa?), Tintikiya par, Ruga pal, Rabha par, Katśinish pan (p. 427) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese taak, Lao dɔk, Shan mɔk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc bɔʔ, Nun bɔk, Dioi doʔ (p. 468) ]
315. ôm 'embrass, hug' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʿʔum, Sui, Mak ʔum, Lao, Shan, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc um, Nung op (p. 468, 492) ]
316. lừa 'mule' [ Burmish M. Bur. la\, Lolo Ahi lo\, Nyi la-, Lolopho lo (p. 379) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, ay Noir la, Tay Blanc, Nung ʿlɔ, Tho _lɔ (p. 468) ]
317. ngựa 'horse' [ OK Kuki *kor, Luśei -kor, Tśiru, Prum -koŕ, Aimol, Langrong, Hrangkhol -kor (p. 259) | (SV ngọ), (Haudricourt) Chinese 午 wǔ, Daic Lao səńə, Tay Blanc sańa, Dioi sa, Mak ńo (p. 471) ]
318. ná 'crossbow' [ SV nỏ, M nú 弩 no/, Siamese, Lao nā\1, mai2 (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Khmer sna, Daic Siamese *sna?3, Lao ʿhna, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc Tho, Nung, na, Sui nha, Cao-lan nɯ, Dioi nɯə (p. 471) ]
319. phải 'right side' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, khwa, Cao-lan, Dioi kwa, Sui fa, pha (p.472) ]
320. qua 'pass' [ (Haudricourt) Chinese 過 kwa\ (M guò), Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Cao-lan, Bê kwa (p.472) ]
321. dưa 'melon' [ (Haudricourt) Chinese 瓜 guă (M guā), Daic Siamese, Cao-lan, Mak, Bê kwa (p.472) ]
322. (đo)đạc 'measure' [ V 'đo' | (Haudricourt) Chinese 度 dāk (M dù), Daic Lao _thāk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi taʔ, Tho, Nung tāk, Cao-lan, Bê kwa (p.472) ]
323. gang 'iron core' [ (Haudricourt) Viet 'gang', Chinese 鋼 kāng (M gāng), Daic *khāŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Nung khāń, Tho qhāń, Dioi hāń, Mak kāń (p.473) ]
324. mõng 'thin' [ (Haudricourt) Viet 'mongmanh' (?), Daic Siamese pāŋ, Lao bāń, Ahom bāŋ, Shan māń, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung bāŋ, Sui, Mak ʔbāŋ, Bê beań (p. 473) ]
325. rộng ‘wide’ [ M guăng 廣 kwāng/, Siamese kwāń2\ (p.46)| (Haudricourt) Chinese 廣 kwāń/, Daic Siamese ʾkwāŋ, Lao, Shan Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kwāń, Ahom kwāń, Dioi kwāńʾ (p. 474) ]
326. ma 'ghost' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Nung mań, Sui, Cao-lan nāń, Dioi fāń (p. 474) ]
327. màng 'bamboo screen' [ (Haudricourt) Viet mang, bań, muong (?) (not sure what H. means) Daic Dioi rań, Sui, Mak nāń (p. 474) ]
328. mắng 'reprimand' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Lao hmāŋ, Ahom, Tay Noir māń, Dioi mań (p. 474) ]
329. cải ‘mustard’ [ (Haudricourt) Chinese 芥 kaiʾ < *kāts? (M jiè), Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kāt, Dioi kat, Sui qāt, Mak kāt (p. 475) ]
330. cần ‘pole’ [ SV 'cán' | (Haudricourt) Chinese 杆 kān (M gàn), Daic Siamese ʾkān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung kăn (p. 475) ]
331. than 'coal' [ (Haudricourt) Chinese thān- 炭 (M tān), Viet. than, Daic Siamese thānʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung thān, Dioi tan (p. 476) ]
332. bằng 'equal' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Blanc pān (p. 476) ]
333. bàn 'table' [ (Haudricourt) Chinese bān- 盤 (M pán), Viet. than, Daic Shan ʿpān, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak pān, Dioi pan (p. 476) ]
334. màn 'curtain' [ M màn 幔 mān\, Siamese, Lao mān\1 (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese mānʾ, Shan ʿpān, Tho, Nung mān (p. 476) ]
335. dạn 'brave' [ (Haudricourt) Daic *ŋhān, Siamese hān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir hān (p. 476) ]
336. yên 'saddle' [ M ān 鞍 ʿān-, Siamese ʿān (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. yên, Daic Siamese ʔān, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak ān, Dioi an, Bê iên (p. 477) ]
337. ngáp ‘yawn’ [ M hā 哈, OB hă, M Bur. Ha (pp. 42-43) | (Haudricourt) Viet. ngáp, Daic *ŋāp, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung ńāp, Dioi ńap (p. 477) ]
338. chàm 'indigo' [ M lán 藍 lām-, OB rams, Siamese grām (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. chàm, Daic Lao khām, Shan, Nung kham (p. 260), Mak, Li lām (p. 477) ]
339. dám 'gall, courage' [ M dăn 膽 tăm-, Siamese, Lao tām\ (p. 72) | (Haudricourt) Viet. dám, Daic *ʔyāmʾ2, Tay Noir -yāmʾ, Tay Blanc yām (p. 478) ]
340. cam ‘orange’ [ (Haudricourt) Chin. kām 柑 (M gān), Daic *kām, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung kām, Dioi kam (p. 477) ]
341. đặt 'to place' [ (Haudricourt) Daic *dăt, Lao _thăt, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tăt (p. 479) ]
342. cắt 'cut' [ OB btśad || OT Bod. lang. Tsangla tśa (p. 117) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi, Mak kăt, Li hăt (p. 456). Also, SV cát, Chin. kat 割 (M gé) Daic *geet, Lao khɛt, Ahom kit, Shan, Nung kɛt (pp. 496, 480) ]
343. ván 'board' [ SV 'biển', (Haudricourt) Viet. 'ván', Chin. pen/ 扁 (M pián), Daic Siamese ʾpeen, Lao pɛn, Ahom piñ, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blac, Nung, Tho pɛn (p. 496) ]
344. én 'swallow' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. ʾen\ 燕 (M yàn), Daic Siamese ʔeenʾ, Lao, Tho, Nung ɛn, Mak ēn, Bê ean (p. 496) ]
345. hồn 'spirits' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. ,gəun 魂 (M hún), Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho, Nung khwăn, Tay Blanc qhwăn, Mak kwăn, Dioi hwen (p. 480) ]
346. tốt 'good' [Old Kukish Kuki *pʿra, Luśei tʿa, Tśiru, Kom, Langang, Anal -ţʿa, Aimol, Hallam, Kolhreng -sa, Purum -ŕa, Langrong ţʿa, Biate tʿa- (pp. 261, 262) | Daic Siamese ti, Lao, Ahom di, Shan li, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi di, Tho dei, Nung dăy (p. 483) ]
347. khép 'close the eyes' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese hlăp, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung lăp, Sui khăp (p. 466), Mak lăp, Li ńyăp (p. 482) ]
348. cầm 'hold' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese krām, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc kăm, Nung kam, Sui ʔñăm, Mak ñăm (p. 482) ]
349. đâm ' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. ɗâm, Daic Siamese tām, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc kăm, Tho, Nung tăm, Dioi tam (p. 482) ]
350. nước 'water' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾnām, Shan, Sui, Mak nam, Lao, Tho, Ahom, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi, Mak năm, Nung ram, Bê nɔm, Li nom, nəm (p. 482) ]
351. gừng 'ginger [ (Haudricourt) Viet., Chin. kiang 薑 (M jiāng), Daic Siamese, Ahom khiŋ, Lao, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir khiń, Tay Blanc qhiń, Dioi hiń, Li khuəń (p. 482) ]
352. đây 'here' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. đây, Daic Siamese di, Lao thi, Ahom, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Dioi ti, Mak day (p. 484) ]
353. này 'this' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. này, Daic Siamese ʾni, Lao Ahom, Shan, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc ni, Dioi nayʾ, Mak nay (p. 484) ]
354. chịu 'endure' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. chịu, Chin. ʿźiəu 受 (M shòu), Daic *dźiw, Lao, Tay Blanc tśiu, Tay Noir, Nung -'tśiu (p. 487) ]
355. guốc 'sabot' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Tho, Dioi kip, Wou-ming klip, Sui ʔdyāp, Mak zip, Bê zyap, Li lap (p. 487) ]
356. xếp 'to fold' [ M dié 疊 dep, OB ldeb-pa, Siamese d@p | OB lteb-, Eastern dialects Amdo hteb- (p. 108) | M zhé 摺 tśīp, Siamese, Lao tśīp_ (p.67) | also (Haudricourt) Viet. 'chiếp' (?), Daic Siamese, Lao tśip, Mak sip (p. 487) ]
357. bít 'to clog' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Tay Blanc, Tho, Dioi ɓit, Nung bet, Bê mɯt (p. 486) ]
358. đất 'earth' [ Luhupa Branch *k-m-deʾ, Kwoirng kă-d-di, Kabui kă-n-di, Khoirao n-dʿa, Empeo go-dei (p. 307) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese tin, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc din, Li den, Shan lin (p. 259), Tho, Nung ɗin (p. 486) ]
359. nghe 'hear' [ OB -nä, O Bur. na, Karenic *na\, Pwo nā6, Sgaw nə8-, Bwe mäʾ (p. 414) | (Haudricourt) Daic *ŋin, Siamese yin, Lao, Ahom ñin, Shan, Tay noir ńin, Tay blac nin, Tho nin (p. 486) ]
360. độc ‘poisson' [ M dú 毒 duok, M Bur. tok (p. 51), OB drug, dug (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ttuk, Lao, Tay noir, Tho ɗuk (p. 486) ]
361. dẫn 'take by hands' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Ahom tśuŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tśuń, Shan suń (p. 489) ]
362. vũng 'pool' [ (Haudricourt) Daic *puŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho ɓuń, Ahom ɓuŋ, Tay Blanc buń (p. 489) ]
363. muống 'water spinach' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾpuŋ, Lao, Nung, Tho ɓuń,Tay Blanc buń, Mak muń (p. 489) ]
364. đũa 'chopsticks' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. d'ịʷo\ 箸(M zhú), Daic Siamese thu', Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Blanc thu (p. 488) ]
365. quen 'familiar' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. kʷan' 慣 (M guàn, SV quán), Daic Siamese gǔn, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Nung kun (p. 491) ]
366. sửng 'lofty' [ as in 'sừngsững' (Haudricourt) Chin. suń- 嵩 (M sōng), Daic *ñuŋ, Siamese, Ahom suŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho suń (p. 490) ]
367. dứt 'finish' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Tay Blanc sut, Shan shut, Dioi sat (p. 490) ]
368. vịt 'duck' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. vịt, Daic Dioi pit, Mak bit (p. 493) ]
369. tai 'ear' [ M dā 耷 tāp (big ear), Siamese, Lao tūp_ (pendant ears) (p. 71) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi ta, Tho tha, Nung ha (p. 456), Also: Viet. 'say' (?), tai, *tśru Daic Siamese, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc hu, Tho su, Nung khyu, Cao-lan lɯ Sui qha, Mak tśha, Bê sa, Li say (p. 488) ]
370. ttrẻ 'children' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese těk, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Dioi ta, Tho tha, Nung ha (p. 456), Also: Viet. 'say' (?), tai, *tśru Daic Siamese, Lao, Tay blanc, Tho ɗek (p. 492) ]
371. sắt 'iron' [ OB ltśags || A W. Bod. Sbalti ltśak, Burig stśaK- (p. 80), Northern Assam Meyöl tśāk (p. 179) | SV thiết, (Haudricourt) Chin. thet 鐵 (M tiě), Daic Siamese hltěk, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung lek, Sui śet, Sek mliek (p. 492) ]
372. xe 'carriage' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Tay Noir, Tho, Nung sɛ, , Tay Blanc tshɛ, Dioi śie (p. 494) ]
373. (bồng)bế 'carry' [ N. Ass. Midźu ba (N),Taying ba (N) (p. 186), E. Nyising bü (p. 194) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese peek, Lao ɓɛk, Shan mɛk, Tay Noir, Tay Blac ɓɛʔ, Tho bɛk (p. 494) ]
374. đỏ 'red' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese teeŋ, Lao, Tay noir, Tay blanc, Tho, Nung, Mak ɗɛń, Ahom, Dioi diń, Shan leń, Li tlɛń (p. 495) ]
375. cẳng 'leg' [ Tśairelish Katśinish kʿoń\, Kadu lă-goń (p. 412) | OB rkań-pa, Karenic *kʾań, Karenni mä, Pwo kʾə9, Sgaw kʾ@7, Taungthu kań, Yinbaw kańn\, Taungyi -kʾań1, Thaton kʾań3 (pp. 418, 419) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʾkheeŋ, Lao khɛń, Shan, Tho kɛń, Tay blanc qhɛń, Dioi hɛń (p. 495) ]
376. bánh 'cake, pastry' [ M bǐng 餅 pīń/, Siamese pēń\2 (meal, flour), Lao pēń\ (cake, bread) (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Viet. bánh, Daic Siamese ʾpeeŋ, Lao pɛń, Ahom piŋ, Shan, Tho, Nung pɛń, Mak văń, Bê ɓiń (p. 495) ]
377. sáng 'distinct, bright' [ OB gsal-ba || A W. Bod. Sbalti xsal- (p. 78) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese seeŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc sɛń, Ahom siŋ, Shan shɛń (p. 495) ]
378. thêm ‘add’ [ M tiān 添 tʿem_, Siamese, Lao tʿem2/ (p.45) | (Haudricourt) Chin ʿthem-, Daic Siamese theem, Lao, Tho, Nung, Dioi tem (p. 497) ]
379. chèo ‘row’ [ (Haudricourt) Chin dʿău\ 棹 (M zhuó), Viet. chèo, Daic Siamese tśew, Lao, Tay Blanc. Tho _tśew (p. 497) ]
380. mèo 'cat' [ M māo 貓 mịau-, Siamese, Lao měw (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Chin mău-, Viet. meo, Daic Siamese meew, Lao, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, mɛw, Dioi mew (p. 497) ]
381. rồi 'already, finished' [ (Haudricourt) Chin liau/了 (M liăo) , Daic Siamese ʾleew, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho, Mak lew (pp. 497, 498) ]
382. thêu 'embroid' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. thêu, Daic Lao sewʾ, Shan shew, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi sew (pp. 497, 498) ]
383. eo 'waist, loins, middle part' [ M yāo 腰 ịau-, Siamese ěw, Lao ěw/ (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese ʔeew, Lao, Tay Blanc ɛw (pp. 497, 498) ]
384. giấy 'paper' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. thêu, Daic *ʿtśīye, Lao tśīye, Shan shew, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi sew (p. 498) ]
385. thiếc 'tin' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. thiếc, Chin. sek 錫 (M xì), Daic *ʿthrīyek, Lao hiek, Shan hêk, Tay Blanc heʔ, Tho thiek, Nung sek, Mak sik, Bê tek, Cao Lan lek, Dioi rieʔ (p. 498) ]
386. giêng 'first month' [ M zhèng 正 śī, Lao tśyəń (tśień) (p. 69) | (Haudricourt) Viet. giêng, Chin. tśiń-, Daic *tśīyeń, Lao tśīeń, Shan seŋ, Tay Noir, Tho tśieŋ, Tay Blanc tśeŋ, Dioi śień, Mak śīń (p. 499) ]
387. nếp 'glutinous rice' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. nếp, Chin. nuaʾ 糯 (M nuò), Siamese ʾhnīyew, Lao, Nung niew, Tay Blanc .new, Tho niw, Bê năw (p. 501) ]
388. méo 'glutinous rice' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾpīyew, Lao, Nung, Tay Noir biew, Shan mew, Tay Blanc bew, Tho biw (p. 501) ]
389. bò ‘cow’ [ OB ba, OB E. *bik || A W. Bod. Burig bā (p. 83), Groma, Śarpa bo (calf), Dangdźongskad, Lhoskad ba (p. 93), Central Bodish Lagate pa-, Spiti, Gtsang, Dbus, Ãba bʿa, Mnyamslad, Dźad pa (p. 98), other Bod. languages Rgyarong (ki)-bri, -bru (p. 120), modern Bod. dialects New Mantśati (bullock), Tśamba Lahuli (ox) bań, Rangloi bań-ƫa (bullock) (p. 130) || also Chin. 牝 byi/ (Chin. cow, female of animal), OB ãbri-mo (tame female yak) (p. 59), Minor group Toţo pik-(a), Dimal pi-(a) (p. 187), Southern Branch Kukish *b@ń, Luśei b@ń, Thado boń, Vuite -b@ń- (p. 250), E. Himalayish bʿi, Khambu pi', Lohorong, Yakhha pik (p. 330) | for 'buffalo': Luśei pă-na, Khami *mă-na, Karenic *-na-, Karenni pæ2-nä2, Pwo pə1-na6, Sgaw pə2-nə8, Bwe pa-nä2 (p. 414) | (Haudricourt) Chin. ńǔ- 牛 (M níu), Siamese ŋwă, Lao, Tay Noir ńuo, Shan, Tay Blanc ńo, Tho, Nung mɔ, Sui mo, Mak pho (p. 501) ]
390. đỗ 'bean' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. duʾ\ 荳 (M dòu), Siamese thwăʾ, Lao thuo, Ahom thu, Shan tho, Tay Noir thuo, Tay Blanc tho, Nung thu, Dioi tuo, Sui thăw, Li thaw (p. 502) ]
391. mờ, mù 'obscured' [ M méng 朦 moń-, Ob rmońs (p. 70) || (Haudricourt) Viet. mù, Siamese mwă, Lao muo, Tay Noir mo (p. 502) ]
392. cuốc 'dig a hole, hoe' [ M 鋤 ɖʐǒ- (to hoe, excavate), Luśei tśo (Dimasa dźao) (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Viet. cuốc, *kw@k, Tay Noir kuoʔ, Tho, Nung, Bê kuok, Sui kwak, Mak kūk, Li thaw (p. 502) ]
393. điếc 'deaf' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. điếc, Siamese hnw@k, Lao, Tho, Nung nuok, Ahom, Dioi nuk, Shan nôk, Tay Noir nuoʔ, Tay Blanc noʔ, Mak ʔdāk, Bê mok (p. 502) ]
394. lớn 'great, large, grand' [ S. K. *lian, Śo len (p. 222), Kapwi -lin (p. 39), Old Kukish Kukish *lian, Luśei lian, Mara lai, Tlongsai lai-pa, Sabeu -lai (p. 271) | (Haudricourt) Siamese hlw@ŋ, Lao, Tay Blanc, Nung luoń, Ahom luŋ, Tay Noir, Tho loń (p. 503) ]
395. vườn 'garden' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese sw@n, Lao, Tay Noir, Tho suon, Ahom, Nung sun, Shan shon, Tay Blanc son, Cao-lan lun, Dioi suən (p. 503) ]
396. mướp 'luffa, loofa' dish-cloth gourd' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. mướp, Siamese pw@p, Shan mop, Tay Blanc ɓop (p. 503) ]
397. cóc 'pipa, toad' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese k@p, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Dioi kop, Mak kwăp (p. 506) ]
398. cũng 'also' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese k@, Lao kɔ, Shan, Tay Noir, Ahom ko (p. 507) ]
399. đố 'to bet' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'đổ', Siamese t@@ʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi to (p. 507) ]
400. bố 'father' [ M fù 父 bū/ ('father, elderly relatives of the same surname, old man'), M Bur. bʿui\, Luśei pu (p. 60) | (Haudricourt) Siamese b@@ʾ, Lao phɔ, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho pɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi po (p. 507) ]
401. mô 'shaman' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 巫 mū- (M wū), Siamese hm@@, Lao, Shan, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho mɔ, Ahom, Nung, Dioi mo (p. 508) ]
402. ngấc 'raise one's head' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese ń@@k, Lao ńɔk, Ahom ŋwak, Shan ńôk, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc ńɔʔ (p. 508) ]
403. bóc ‘flay, peel’ [ (Haudricourt) Siamese p@@k, Lao, Tho, Nung pɔk, Ahom pwak, Shan pôk, Tay Blanc pɔʔ (p. 508) ]
404. bọc ‘to envelop’ [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 剝 p@k (M bò) | Siamese b@@k, Ahom pwak, Shan pôk, Tho pɔʔ, Nung pɔ (p. 508) ]
405. sóc ‘squirrel’ [ (Haudricourt) Viet. sóc, Siamese kar@@k, Lao, Tho, Nung lɔk, Ahom lwak, Shan lôk, Tay Blanc lɔʔ (p. 508) ]
406. trống ‘drum’ [ Also, Viet. 'cồng' | M qiāng 椌 kʿ@ng- (Chin. hollow wooden beaten instrument of music Li-chi), Kukish *kʿuań, Luśei kʿuań, Kukish tum\ (p.202) || Northern Assam Miśing, Tagen -dum, Yano, E. Nyising -dūm (p. 202) | (Haudricourt) Siamese kl@@ŋ, Lao, Shan kɔń, Ahom klwraŋ, Dioi kyɔń (p. 509) ]
407. chọn 'choose' [ (Haudricourt) *xr@@ŋ, Siamese k@@ŋ, Lao, Tay Noir, Shan khɔń, Ahom khwraŋ, Tay Blanc qhɔń (p. 509) ]
408. lõng 'liquid' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'lõng', Siamese l@@ŋʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Shan lɔń, Ahom lwaŋ, Tay Blanc qhɔń (p. 510) ]
409. phổi 'lung' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 肺 pịʷɐiʾ (per H. ancient final for this sound is -ts), (M fèi),Viet. 'phổi', Siamese p@@t, Lao, Tay Blanc, Shan pɔt, Dioi pət (p. 510) ]
410. nằm 'lie down' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese n@@n, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan nɔn, Dioi non, Ahom nwan, Muk nun (p. 511) ]
411. muộn 'late' [ (Haudricourt) *m@@n, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan, Tho mɔn, Ahom mun (p. 511) ]
412. run 'tremble' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese y@@n, Tay Blanc, Shan yɔn, Ahom ywan (p. 511) ]
413. đáp 'reply' [ (Haudricourt) 答 tāp (M dá), Siamese t@@p, Lao, Shan, Nung tɔp (p. 511) ]
414. nhuộm 'dye' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 染 ńīm (M răn), Viet. 'nhuộm', *ñ@@m, Siamese ʾy@@m, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Shan, Tho, Nung ñɔm, Ahom sük, Dioi num, Bé niem, Sui ʔyăm (p. 512) ]
415. dòm 'stare' [ Viet. also 'nhòm', (Haudricourt) Tay Noir, Nung, Dioi yɔm, Tho, Tay Blanc ñɔm (p. 512) ]
416. núi 'mountain' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'núi', Lao dɔy, Shan lɔy, Ahom dway, Dioi ɗɔy (p. 512) ]
417. chữ 'letters' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 字 dzǐ\, dʒi (M zì), Siamese sǐ, Lao, Tay Noir sɯ, Tho tsɯ, Dioi sɯ (p. 513) ]
418. giặc 'enemy' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'tặc', Chin. 賊 dzək (M zéi), Siamese sǐk, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Tho sək, Shan shuk, Nung śək, Dioi śak(p. 514) ]
419. khuya ‘night’ [ M yè 夜 ịă\, M Bur. N-nyă, Kukish *ń-ya (pp. 42-43), Luhupa Branch Tśamphung ńă-yu- (p. 301) | (Haudricourt) *ɣǐn, Siamese gǐn, Lao, Tho khun, Shan khɯn, Tay Blanc qhɯn, Nung khən, Dioi hen (p. 514) ]
420. mầy 'you' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese mǐń, Lao, Tay Noir muŋ, Tay Blanc mɯ, Dioi muń (p. 514) ]
421. chì 'lead' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'chì', Siamese dzǐn, Lao, Shan sɯn, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir tsɯm, Nung tśɯn, Dioi śen (p. 514) ]
422. cà 'aubergine' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'cà', Chin 茄 gă- (M qié), Siamese khǐe, Lao khɯə, Shan, Tay Blanc khə, Dioi _kuə, Mak kə (p. 515) ]
423. lựa 'choose' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese liek, Lao luek, Ahom lük, Shan lək, Tay Noir lɯəʔ, Tay Blanc ləʔ, Tho, Nung luək, Bê leak (pp. 465, 516) ]
424. mương 'canal' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'mương', Daic Siamese mǐeŋ, Lao,Tay Blanc, Nung, Dioi muəń, Tho məń (p. 517) ]
425. trái ‘fruit’ [ OB se-, Chin. (?), Katśin si, M Bur. –si\, Kukish *tʿei\, Dimasa tʿai, Luśei tʿei (p. 52) || Southern Kukish Kukish *tʿei, Khimi -tʿai (p. 207), Śo te (p. 218), Minor groups Newari se, si, Old Kukish Kukish *tʿei\, Luśei tʿei\, Mikir tʿe (p. 276), Luhupa Branch Ukhrul tʿei, Phadang tʿi, Tśamphung -tʿai, Kupome tʿai, Khunggoi tʿai-, C. and N. Luhupa -tʿai, Zumomi, Dayang -tʿi (pp. 289, 308, Tśairelish Katśingish tʿei, Rawang -śi (p. 404) | Baric Garo -tʿe, Bodo, Metś, Dimasa, Tipora -tʿai, Tsutiya tśi-ti, Wanang tʿəi, Atong taiʾ (p. 436) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'trái', Daic Siamese dźāy, Lao, Shan sāy, Tay Blanc, Ahom, Tho tśāy, Sui săy (p. 518) ]
426. vải 'cotton, textile' [ (Haudricourt) Daic Siamese vāyʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc fāy, Shan fe, Nung, Wuming phāy, Dioi way, Mak wāy (pp. 463, 518) ]
427. gà 'chicken' [ (Haudricourt) 雞 kăi- (M jī), Viet. 'gà', Siamese kwai, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc kwăy, Laqua khay, Lati ka (p. 520) ]
428. thang 'ladder' [ Baric Namsangia hi-tʿo, Banpara tśi-tuń (p. 446) | (Haudricourt) 梯 thăi (M tī), *tai, Lao, Tay Blanc, Tay Noir, Nung ɗăy, Be lei, Sui ke, Mak tśe (p. 520) ]
429. thay 'substitute' [ Viet. also 'thế' | (Haudricourt) 替 thăi\ (M tì), Siamese thaiʾ, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc, Nung thăy, Ahom thay, Dioi ʾti (p. 520) ]
430. túi 'pack' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese daiʾ, Lao thăyTay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung tăy, Mak thāy (p. 520) ]
431. vải 'pray' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'vảy', Siamese ʾhwai, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc văy (p. 521) ]
432. vái 'scales' [ Viet. also 'bái, lạy' | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'vái', Siamese ʾhwai, Lao, Shan văy, Ahom băy (p. 521) ]
433. ngó 'look' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'ngoi', Khmer nǐey, Siamese ŋey1, Shan, Tho ńoy (pp. 521, 522) ]
434. vào 'enter' [ also V vô, Chin. ? (absent in Shafer's list), OB hońs, M Bur. wań (enter), Luśei *wań (p. 64) | (Haudricourt) Daic *xau, Siamese ʾkhau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Sha, Tho, Nung khăw, Ahom khaw, Caolan qhăw, Dioi hăw, Bê (law) (p. 522) ]
435. cũ 'old' [ (Haudricourt) K. gịəuʾ, S. gǔ\ 舊 (M jìu), Siamese kauʾ, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Shan, Tho, Nung, Dioi kăw, Ahom kaw, Bê kaw (p. 522) ]
436. chúa 'master' [ (Haudricourt) Chin. 主 tśu (M zhǔ), Viet. 'chúa', Siamese ʾtśau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Ahom, Tho, Nung, tśaw, Shan, Dioi săw (p. 522) ]
437. sớm 'early' [ M zăo 早 tsau/, M Bur. tso | (Haudricourt) Siamese ʾdżau, Lao săw, Nung, Dioi śaw, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tśăw, Shan săw (p. 522) ]
438. rượu 'spirits, liquor' [ M yǒu 酉 ịǔ/, OB yu (Thebor), Luśei -zu (p. 63) | M lăo 醪 lau-, M Bur. lo-dźa Siamese lo\1, Lao hlo\ (all fermented liquors, wine, alcohol) (p. 59) | (Haudricourt) Chin. 酒 tśịəu/tsǔ/ (M jǐu), Viet. 'rượu', Siamese ʾhlau, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Shan, Dioi lăw, Sui lhaw, haw, (p. 523) ]
439. xài 'use' [ (Haudricourt) Saimese ʾdźaǐ, Lao səɯ, Ahom tśaü, Shan səɯ, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc tśəɯ (p. 524) ]
440. keo 'glue' [ M jiāo 膠 kăo-, M Bur. ko, Siamese, Lao kāw (p. 61) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'keo', Chin kău/ 膠 (M jiāo), Siamese, Lao, Tay Blanc kāw, Shan kɔ, Nung kyaw (pp. 523, 524) ]
441. sao 'star' [ S. Br. Kukish *ɣār, Luśei ār-śi, Thado, Śiyang a-śi (p. 249), Old Kukish Kuki *ɣār, Tśiru āŕ-śi , Aimol ār-śi (p. 256), Luhupa Branch Maring sor-, Ukhrul sir-, Phadang sār-, Kupome su, C. and N. Luhupa să-, Maram să-gai, Rong să-hór (p. 324) | (Haudricourt) Siamese tāw, Lao, Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho ɗāw, Ahom ɗaw, Shan lāw, Nung, Dioi taw, Li drāw (pp. 523, 524) ]
442. dao 'knife' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'dao', Chin tao- 刀 (M dāo), Tay Noir, Tay Blanc, Tho tāw, Dioi taw (pp. 523, 524) ]
443. dài 'long' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese, Ahom, Shan, Tay Noir yāw, Lao ñāw, (p. 524) ]
444. chuột 'rat. mouse' [ Luhupa Branch Kukish **b-yu\, Luśei zu, Maring yu-, Phalang ma-su3, Kipome ma-dźeu, Kwoireng tă-dźa, Empeo -zu (p. 305) | Baric Namsangia dźu-pu, Banpara źu, zu, yu (p. 428) | (Haudricourt) Chin ʾtsǐ 子 (M zǐ), 'Year of the Rat' Lao, Tay Blanc ʾtśəɯ, Dioi śaw (pp. 524, 525) ]
445. heo 'pig' [ (Haudricourt) Chin ʿgâi 孩 (M hài), 'Year of the Boar' Lao ʾ_kəɯ, Tay Blanc kəɯ, Dioi kaw, Mak həy (pp. 524, 525) ]
446. mới 'new' [ (Haudricourt) Chin ʿgâi 孩 (M hài), Siamese ʾmaǐ, Lao ʾ_kəɯ, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung məɯ, Tay Noir .məɯʾ, Dioi mo, Mak măy (p. 525) ]
447. mầy 'you' [ (Haudricourt) Viet. 'mầy, mà', Li (1) mɯ, Ahom maü, Shan, Tho, Li (2) məɯ (p. 525) ]
448. dưới 'under' [ OK Kuki *tʿaui, Luśei tʿaui-a, Tśiru tʿ@ị, Aimol tʿoy-a2, Purum -tʿūy-a, Hallam tʿoy-a (p. 253) | (Haudricourt) Viet. 'dưới', Chin tăi/ 底 (M dǐ), Siamese ʾtaǐ, Lao, Shan, Tay Blanc, Tho, Nung, Tay Noir təɯ, Ahom taü, Dioi taɯ, Li thəɯ (p. 525) ]
449. kề 'next to' [ (Haudricourt) Siamese laǐ, Lao, Shan kəɯ, Ahom kaw, Tay Blanc tśhəɯ, Tho śəɯ, Nung kyəɯ, Caolan khay, Dioi kyaɯ, Wuming klaɯ, Sui, Mak phyăy, Bê le, Li (p)ləɯ (pp. 524, 525) ]

What is the problem with the above list? The list, of course, in any measure, is inexhaustive, though, as some items have been omitted for their etymological complexity. With that, it is enough for us to deal with given the fact that we are still facing the same issue as all those tentative cognates seem to have spread out in many different ST languages, just like what we have seen in the MK scenario. For same reason just like Thai loans, or even those of V, existing in the Mon-Khmer languages, it appears that innumerous solid Daic-Chinese cognates turn out to be Chinese loanwords in V since their articulations are so similar that the possibility of recent borrowings in V from C are undeniably high. Fortunately, unlike those in Luce's listings, Shafer's list provides us with much richer resources of complex ST etymological layers of which every etymon happens to map nicely into a V correspondent, phonologicically and semantically. We could certainly further enrich the list with all other results of latest ST research and use those data to verify a wider range of lexicons against those etyma enumerated by MK camp, starting with those overlapping cognates in both ST and MK languages.

We shall do so in the next sections and we shall further continue to explore those same issues which have been always hinderances in relating the V genetic affiliation with both MK and ST languages.

B) Issues in cognates of numerals

It is undeniable that there exist issues in substantiating phonological connections of the Chinese and V numerals. In fact, those listed forms that appear in major ST languages, or at least in Chinese, do not show persuasively uniform patterns of sound change for the whole numeral set from 1 to 10. Numeral counting in V from 1 to 5 (i.e., một, hai, ba, bốn, năm) are pretty similar to those numbers spreading out in the Mon-Khmer languages, e.g., in modern Khmer, mùəy, pì:(r), bɤy, buən, pram, respectively. Their phonetically similar forms show that they are possibly cognate. For the dissimilar case of numeral 2, let's reckon that in historical linguistics, sometimes genetically-related languages are proved to share as little as 2 numerals as cognates, usually two consecutive numbers, especially 1 and 2. Interestingly, the fact that two-consecutive numeral similarities show in both V and other ST languages also appears to be true for the same matter. However, in any case, one cannot solely base on the similarity in counting systems to draw definite conclusion in genetic relation as cross-borrowing phenomenon of basic words is common, e.g., numerals in modern Burmese being a good case demonstrating such divergence.

For those in all ST languages, let's examine some etyma of what we found with their numerals in Shafer's list as follows:

• 1 to 10 [ OB g-tśig 1, g-nyis 2, g-sum 3, b-źi 4, l-ńa < *b-l-ńa 5, d-rug 6, b-dun 7, b-rgyad 8, d-gu 9, b-tśu 10 ] (Shafer, pp. 21-23, 29-33, 37, 41, 56)
• 1 một [ M yī 一 ʾit, M Bur. ʾatś, Siamese ʾět_3 ]
• 2 hai [ M èr 二 nyi\, O Bur. *k-in-hnis, M Bur. hnatś, Luśei hniʾ, Kapwi ka-ni, Aimol ăn-ni, Purum ă-ni, Kom ǐ-hni, Anal ă-hni, Śo hni\, Yawdwin, Tśinbok hni, S. Khami ni, Maram hań-na, Kabui (Si) kă-hnai, Kabui (Mc) kă-nai, Khoirao (Mc) hań-nai, Sopvama ka-hē, Śongge a-nai, Siamese yī\1, Lao nī_ ]
• 3 ba [ M sān 三 sām, O Bur. *k-in-tʿum\, S. Khami tʿuń, Ukhrul, Khoirao kʿă-tʿum, Phadang, Kupome, Khunggoi ka-tʿum, Rengma ke-śan, Tengima, Kehena se, Kwoireng sam, Chin sām-, Siamese sām/ ]
• 4 bốn [ M sī 四 si\, OB bźi < *bźli, Siamese sī_1, M Bur. le\, Luśei li || Archaic West Bodish dialects Sbalti bźi, Burig zbźi (p. 78), West Himalayish languages Kanauri pö, Buman, Themor, Mantśati, Almora pi, Jangali pari (p. 134), West Central and East Himal. Dumi bʿyal, Khaling bʿal, Rai bʿalu, Thulung bli (p. 152) | Shafer: The only indication of primitive prefix b- being preserved are in the word "four" in certain dialects: Thulung bli, Tśaurasya pʿi, Dumi bʿyal, Khaling bʿal Rai bʿalu compared with OB bźi < *bźli. (p. 157) while in Northern Assam Taying kă-prei, Midu ka-pi having the ka- prefixes which are preserved from a Kukish *k- ancient prefix that has been lost in other Tibeto-Burmic languages due to the following consonantal complex. (p. 186). Other N. Ass. languages: Kukish b-n-d'li\, Miśing, Abor a-pi, Yano, C. Nyising a-pli, E. Nyising a-pl, Apa Tanang pulyi (p. 193), Old Kukish Lamgang, Anal p-il-li (p. 252), Mara, Tlongsai, Sabeu -pali (p. 267), Luhupha Branch Kukish *b-n-dʿli\, Tśungli pezo, Longla pʿé-zé, Monsen 'pʿé-li, Khari pa-li, Tśangki pʿé-li, Tengsa pʿa-l4, Rong fă-li, Hlota mě-zú (p. 304), Dayang, Zumomi bi-di, Keźma pedi, Imenai pa-di (p. 305), Tśairelish, Andro pi-, Sak pri, Kadu pi- (p. 396), Melam a-bli, Khanang ă-bri, Meklam -bə-li (p. 400) | Baric Garo bri, Atong bǐ-ri, Ruga -bri, Tipora brui, Bodo broi, Metś bre, Dimasa biri, Mośang băli, Namsangia běli (p. 441) ]
• 5 năm [ M wǔ 五 *ńo/ < *ńa ~ OB lńa < ST *p-l-ńa, Bahing, Tableng ńa, Burmese na\, Luśei ńa\, Dwags liańe, Anal pă-ńa, Purum, Kohlreng, Kom ră-ńa, Lamgang pă-ră-ńa, Abor pǐ-la-ńǒ, Needham p-l-ń@, Siamese hā\ || Southern Bodish Lhoskad, Śarpa ńa (p. 91), Eastern dialects Khams lńa (p. 111), Dwags liańe (p. 115), other Bod. languages Tsangla ńa (p. 117), Gurung, Murmi, Thaksya ńa (p. 123), W. Himal. lang. Bunan, Themor ńa-1, Almora ńa-ii (p.134), Minor group Dhimal na (p. 166), OK Mara -pəna¯ (p. 267) | Baric Garo, Awe bri, Abeng biri, Bodo broi, Metś -bre, Dimasa biri, Hojai -bri, Wanang bri, Atong bǐ ri, bərəi, Ruga -bri (p. 428) ]
• 6 sáu [ M līu 六 luk, O Bur. *t-r1uk, M Bur. kʿ-rok, Kukish *t-r2-uk, Luśei ruk, Mara tśa-ru, Tlongsai tśa-ru (=8?), Maram să-ŕuk, Kwoireng tśă-ruk, Empeo (S) su-ruk, Tengima sǔ-ru, Kehena sě-r@, Chin. luk (the initial *r- < Ch. l-) (p. 32), Old Kukish Sabeu -tśa-ru, Miram -tsə-ŕu(ʾ)-, Lailenpi -tsəŕuʾ\, Lothu tsər(v)ị\ (p. 268), Meithlei tă-ruk (p. 280), Luhupa Branch Rengma se-ŕo, Keźma sa-ŕ, Imemai tśo-ro, Zumomi tso-ɣa, Dayang tsu-gwo, Tśakrima su-ru (p. 298), Tengima su-ru, also Zumomi so-ɣoʿ (p. 320) | Shafer: If the occlusive of *t- prefix had come into direct contact with the r in the Kukish and proto-Chinese words for 'six', as its phonetic correspondent d- does in Old Bodish drug 'six', we should have had Luśei ţuk instead of the ruk we find and perhaps Chin. t'uk instead of luk. (p.32) | Karenic Pwo tśu38, Sinhma sot, Thangthu sʿu (p. 423) || (Haudricourt) Daic *tśr@k, Siamese h@k, Lao, Shan, Tay noir, Tay Blanc, Nung hok, Tho sok, Dioi rok, Sui lyok, Mak, Bê lok (p. 504) ]
• 7 bảy [ M qī 七 tśʿit, Kharao tśă-ri, Siamese tśěţ_3 || A W. Bod. Sbalti bdun, Burig ŕdun (p. 78) ]
• 8 tám [ M bā 八 pat, O Bur. *t-r1iat, Luśei rat, M Bur. hratś, Tarao ti-rit6, Langang tǐ-ret, Amal tă-rik, Tlongsai tśa-ru (=6?), S. and N. Khaimi tă-ya, Hlota ti-za, Tśungli ti10 || A W. Bod. Sbalti bgyad, Burig ŕgyad, -pgyad, -bgyad (p. 78), W. Himal. lang. Kukish t-rkyat?, Almora dźyad (p. 136), Norther Branch *tə-ryat, Matupi -Xŗēt (p. 251), OK Kukish *t-r1iat, Meithlei tă-rēt (p. 284) | Baric Garo, Abeng, Wanang tśet, Atong tśat- Ruga -tśet, Tipora tśsa, Bodo źat, Mets dźat, Dimosa, Hojai dźa, Mośang tă-tśat, Sangge ta-tśat, Mulung tʿutʿ, Angwanku tat, Tśang sat (pp. 437, 438) ]
• 9 chín [ M jǐu 九 kǔ/, O Bur. *t-kua, M Bur. kui\, Siamese ko\2, Luśei kua, Mara tśa-ki, Urkhrul tśǐ-ko, Phadang tśǐ-ku | Baric Garo sku, Wanang dźu, Atong tśiku, Ruga -sku, Tipora tśuku, Bodo sʿko, Metś sku (p. 441) ]
• 10 mười [ M shí 十 || A W. Bod. Sbalti pʿtśu, Burig śtśu (p. 78) ]
• 20 hăm [Baric Muthun tśa, Angwanku ta, Tśang ha (p. 438) ]
• 100 trăm 'hundred' [ OB brgya, M Bur. -rya ( Bur.) || Other Bod. languages: Gurung, Thaksya bʿra (p. 123) ]

Shafer's comment:

We may have traces of other labial prefixes in the Karenic words for 'four' and 'seven' both of which have 'infixed' w which is not found in other Sino-Tibetan languages. But a b- prefix found in both these words in Old Bodish. Consequently we may legitimately inquire whether there is not some connection between the infixed w in these words in Karenic and the b- prefix in Old Bodish.

From Old Bodish bźi four, Dwags pli, Gurung bʿli, vli, etc. I have tentatively reconstructed Bodish bźli and from the Kurkish languages the Kurkish reconstruction *b-n-d'li\. Actually I can only say that the prefix in this word was a labial which differed from *m- and *p- prefixes. It may have been *v- and *w-, and the Karenic form, let us say *vli, the prefix dropping in Pwo and Bräʾ li and through metathesis becoming lwi in Sgaw and in most of other Karenic languages.

A more daring suggestion to account for O. B. bdun 'seven' — in most other Tibeto-Burmic languages *s-Nis, but *nwi in Karenic -- is that the form for 'seven' something like *sibdunis which with an accent *sibdúnis became O. B. *bdun. The combination sbd cannot occur in Old Bodish, and when some phoneme had to give way in Old Bodish it seems to have been the first: ST *m-lt'ei tongue, O. B. ltśe, ST *p-l-ŋa O. B. lŋa. But when the accent was *sibdunís, we may infer the development *sibunís > *siwunís >* sinwis Karenic *nwi and the *sibdunís — *sunís > *s-Nis in the majority of Tibeto-Burmic languages. Metathesis has frequently preserved consonants that otherwise would have dropped, as is particularly clear in Bodish dialects, and we may infer a similar preservation in these words in Karenic.

Despite of all the difficulties unsettled with the ST numeric forms and challenged by plausible MK 1-5 cognates, the fact that the Mon-Khmer numerals are based on the system of five and in both Old and Modern Khmer there exist populated loans from Thai counting system, namely, 10 dɔp (cf. SV 'thập' ~ V 'chục'), 30 sa:msɤp (cf. SV tamthập), 40 saesɤp (cf. SV tứthập), 50 ha:sɤp (cf. SV ngũthập), 60 hoksɤp (cf. SV lụcthập), 70 cɤtsɤp (cf. SV thấtthập), 80 paetsɤp (cf. SV bátthập), 90 kausɤp (cf. SV cửuthập), 100, 1000, 10000 mɤ:n (cf. SV vạn ~ V muôn), which in turn certainly are derived from those of Chinese, may make one wonder why the Vietnamese numerical counting is the ten-based system. In the meanwhile, on the V side, if we take into consideration of all other counting related concepts such as 'chục, trăm, ngàn, vạn, triệu, and tỷ' (十 shí tens, 百 băi hundreds, 千 qiān thousands, 萬 wàn ten-thousands, 兆 zhào millions, and 億 yì billions, respectively), số 數 shù (numbers), đếm 點 diăn (count), tính 算 suàn (calculate), cộng 共 gòng (add), trừ 除 chú (substract, in Chin it means 減 jiăn or SV giảm while 除 chú 'divide'), nhân 乘 chéng (multiply), chia 支 zhī, mộtvài 一切 yīqiè (a few), haiba 再三 zàisān (again and again, literally twice and thrice), nămbalượt 三番五次 sānfānwǔcì (several times, literally thrice and five times), ordinal numbers 1st (nhất 一 yī), 2nd (nhì 二 èr), 4th (tư 四 sì) and so on, and days of the week and months of the year with all their peculiar variations such as 'Chủnhật' Sunday 主日 zhǔrì and 'thánggiêng' January 正月 zhēngyuè, 'thángchạp' December 臘月 làyuè, etc., respectively, it is apparently that all those words are derived from those of the Chin language. Not only that, syntactically the V numerical usage is sharply diverged from that of the MK five-based one, showing striking grammatical dissimlarities of numeral arrangement. In a Khmer phrase for instance when a numeral serves a classifier, or lexical co-efficient, most of the time it is placed after a modified noun while in V it must go before the noun, etc. All these factors deviate common ground where only 1-5 cognates are testified.

Should we go with the MK camp at its face values, while not taking into account of syntactic differences in numerical usages in the MK languages, we still need to work really hard to find the answers to the question of why, how, when, and what is the cause for the the V speakers to have utilized two different numeric sets in counting. How could we reconcile the disparity of collective cognitiveness of a people who mathematically do the counting based on the ten-based numerals given only five digits? As manifested by the current numerical system they must have actually possessed the ten-digit numeral set prior to what appeared in the Old MK languages. That is to say the first five MK numbers could probably be those of a subset derived from the V ten-based system; otherwise, that would suggest that the V speakers initially had first had the numbers one to five as the MK speakers do and then they borrowed "sáu" (six) to "mười" (ten) from somewhere else later on. The latter hypothesis thus might be unlikely. Hence, it is much more logical that way for the reason that the MK counting system is cognitively five-digit based one. (1)

Theoretically in historical phonological linguistics if there exist sufficient patterns of sound change for related items, usually more than six words in the same category (hence, the modern K pì:(r) for 'hai' two in V being included here), then those etyma in the related languages could have the same origin etymologically or simply could be borrowing. "Origin" here means a word originates from the same root while "borrowing" involves loanwords, including words in basic realm, either abstract or concrete. (2) As cited in the previous section similar etyma in many other basic words in Luce's list seem to show agreement with those in C as well as etyma in other ST languages where similarities are found as demonstrated in Shafer's list above. We could thus raise the question of the origin of the V numerals sáu to mười and we have the right to suspect the C numerals to have something worth speculation.

Let's examine these patterns:

• 六 lìu ’six’ sáu [ M 六 lìu < MC lʊk < OC *rhuk | FQ 力竹 | According to Starostin: For *rh- cf. Jianyang so8, Shaowu su7. || Shafer: Old Tibetan: *drug, Middle Burmese *kʿrok, Lusei ruk ],
• 七 qī 'seven' bảy [ M 七 qī < MC chjit < OC *shit | FQ 親吉 | MC reading 臻開三入質清 | Note: Like Mandarin, most of the dialects are no longer retaining the final -t | According to Starostin : Protoform: *nit (s-), Meaning: seven, Chinese: 七 *chit seven ( < *snhit ʔ). Burmese: khu-natɕ seven. Kachin: sjənit2 seven. Lushei: KC *s-Nis. Comments: Limbu nu-si seven; PG *ɲi(s) seven; BG: Garo sni, Dimasa sini; Rawang sanit, Trung sjə3-ɲit1; Kanauri stiʂ; Mantshati nyiz/-i; Rgyarung ʂnis, -ʂnes; Namsangia iŋit; Andro sini. Sh. 123, 134, 411, 429; Ben. 16; Mat. 203 ],
• 八 bā ‘eight’ tám [ M 八 bā < MC pat < OC *pre:t | FQ 博拔 | According to Shafer: Old Tbetan *brgyad, Middle Burmese *hrats, Lusei riat, Sbalti bgyad, Burig rgyad ],
• 九 jǐu ‘nine’ chín [ M 九 jǐu < MC kʌw < OC *kwjəʔ | According to Shafer: Old Tibetan *dgu, *go (in 90's), Middle Burmese kui\, Lusei kua ],
• 十 shí ‘ten’ mười [ M 十 shí < MC ʂʌp < OC * ʈjəp | According to Shafer: Old Tbetan *btsu , Sbalti pʿtsu, Burig stsu ].

Let's try to find some corresponding patterns for those numbers:

1) { l- ~ s-} correspondences are numerous:

• 蓮 lián ‘lotus’ VS sen[ M 蓮 lián < MC ljen < OC *rjan ],
• 浪 làng ‘wave’ VS sóng [ M 浪 làng < MC laŋ < OC *ra:ŋs | FQ 來宕],
• 亮 liàng ‘bright, pretty’ VS sáng, xinh [ M 亮 liàng < MC lɑŋ < OC *raŋʔs | FQ 力讓 | Hai. siaŋ | According to Starostin : For OC *r- cf. Xiamen liaŋ6, Chaozhou liaŋ4, Fuzhou lioŋ6, Jianou lio|ŋ6. Cf. also 朗 *ra:ŋʔ, 景 *kraŋʔ 'bright', 爽 *sraŋʔ 'bright, dawn'. | Doublet 朗 *r_a:nŋʔ bright, 亮 *raŋʔ brightness, 景 *kraŋʔ bright, 爽 *sraŋʔ bright, dawn ],
• 郎 láng ‘man’ VS chàng [ M 郎 láng < MC lʌŋ < OC *ra:ŋ | MC reading 宕開一平唐來 ],
• 螺 luó ‘clam’ VS sò [ 螺 luó < MC lwʌ < OC *ro:j ],
• 率 lǜ 'rate' SV suất

and { S-(j-, q-, sh-, c-, ch-...) ~ l-} correspondences are plentiful as well:

• 潛 qián 'submerge, furtive' VS lặn [ ~ Also, VS lén, lẫn, lánh 'hide' | M 潛 qián < MC tsiam < OC *diiam | ¶ q- ~ l-, ng- (OC *d- ~ l-) | cf. 潛逃 qiántăo (SV tiềmđào) lẫntrốn, # trốnlánh 'to hide away' ],
• 心 xīn 'heart' (figuratively) lòng (See etymology in previous section),
• 刷 shuā 'rub' SV loát [ VS 'chà' ],
• 翔 xiáng 'glide' VS lạng [ Also, VS 'lượn' ]
• 長 zhăng 'grow' VS
• lớn ,
• 久 jǐu 'long time' VS
• lâu
etc.

2) {Q-(j-, s-, ch-, x-...) ~ B-(p-, ph-...)}: Words with these patterns are similar to those of 三 sān VS ba ‘three’ and 四 sì VS 'bốn' 'four' as listed further down below. In the meanwhile, for the reverse pattern { B(p)- ~ T(th)- } or {t-(th-...) ~ b-(p-, ph-)}, with the pattern of the same class /t-, th-, d-/, to account for the intermediate /b-/, as in 'bảy', versus C seven 七 qī, as in SV thất we also have, including dissyllabic words,

• 甭 béng 'do not' VS đừng ,
• 碰 pèng 'collide' VS đụng ,
• 嫖 piáo 'intercourse' VS đéo ,
• 笨 bèn 'stupid' VS đần ,
• 匹 pǐ ‘mate’ SV thất [ M 匹 (疋) pǐ < MC phjit < OC *phit | FQ 譬吉 ],
• 必 bì ‘have to’ SVtất [ VS phải 'must, have' | M 必 bì < MC pjit < OC *pit | FQ 卑吉 ],
• 比 bǐ ‘compare’ SV tỉ ,
• 頻 pín 'channel' SV tần ,
• 幣 pì 'currency' SV tệ ,
• 卑 bèi 'mediocre' SV tì ,
• 鄙 pì 'vile' VS tệ ,
• 畢 bì ‘finish’ SV tốt [ M 畢 bì < MC pjit < OC *pit ],
• 俾 bēi 'inferior' VS tệ [ SV tỳ | M 卑 bēi < MC pje < OC *pe | FQ 府移 ],
• 濱 bīn 'river bank' SV tân' ,
• 賓 bīn 'guest' SV tân' ,
• 髮 fā 'hair' VS tóc ,
• 奔波 bènbó 'busy oneself for' VS tấttả [ SV bônba | M 奔 bēn < MC pon < OC *pjə:r, *pjə:rs | FQ 博昆, 甫悶 ],
• 劍柄 jiànbǐng 'sword' VS thanhgươm.,
• 投 tóu 'put in' VS bỏ [ SV đầu | M 投 tóu < MC dɣw < OC *dho: ],
• 燙 tàng 'burn' VS bỏng ,
• 談 tán 'discuss' VS bàn ,
• 圈套 quāntào 'trap' VS cạmbẫy ,
• 突然 tùrán 'suddenly' VS bỗngdưng .
etc.

all of which loosely give us the { t(h)~ p(h) } correspondence if there is the need to associate 'bảy' and 'thất'.

This analogy is questionable, though, should we take into consideration the cases of ba ‘three’ and bốn ‘four’. It appears that we cannot establish any plausible correlation between the C and V numerals at all. The only thing we can enumerate is that ba (VS) and tam (SV) ‘three’ 三 sān corresponds to Hainanese /ta/ and if both C sān and V ‘ba’ were cognate, ba must have undergone a process of dropping -m and changing s- (or t-) to b- . Hainanese /ta/ thus could be a plausible cognate with "ba" if we could in effect find other words that repeat this pattern, something similar to "biết" which is cognate to the Hainanese, Amoy, and Fukienese /bat/ and that corresponds to /tai/ 知 zhī (SV tri, VS 'hay' as in haybiết 'be aware of'). If that were the case for 'ba', it were more likely that it had gone through a dissimilating process that shifted the rounded ending -wm to the front and labialized to become b- (cf. Middle Chinese sam < *som, Proto-Chinese **sawm, Tibetan gsum, gsum-po ‘third’.) The idea of sound change that occurred causing the transfer of rounding from the final labial to the initial is not my sole speculation but it was initiated by Baxter and later adopted by Bodman (1980) in his study. If this reasoning is worth speculating, ba must then be very archaic. Reversibly, the pattern { p-(b-) ~ t-(th-) } shows a parallel correspondence {P- (b-...)} ~ {S- (ch-...)} between modern Mandarin and V:

• 聘 pìng ‘betroth’ SV sính [ M 聘 pìng, pìn < MC phjiaŋ < OC *phjiaŋh ],
• 板 băn 'floor' VS sàn ,
• 怕 pà ‘afraid’ VS sợ [ M 怕 pà < MC pɑ < OC *phra:ks | MC reading 假開二去禡滂 ],
• 派 pài 'dispatch' VS sai (~ 差 chai) [ M 派 pài < MC phaj < OC *phre:ks ],
• 比 bǐ ‘compare’ VS so, bì (as in 比方 bǐfāng: sosánh) [ SV tỉ | M 比 bǐ < MC pjɨ < OC *pijʔ | FQ 卑履, 必至],
• 別 bié 'do not' VS chớ [ M 別 bié < MC bet < OC *brat | According to Starostin : to separate, branch off. Also read MC pet, OC *prat ]
• 曬 shài 'sun dry' VS phơi [ M 曬 (晒) shài < MC ʂai < OC *ʂaɨj ],
• 扇 shàn 'fan' SV phiến ,
• 煽 shān 'to fan' SV phiến,
• 筮 shì 'devination' SV thệ, phệ,
• 小 xiăo 'little' VS bé,

The same pattern also appears in dissyllabic words:

• 并肩 bìngjiān ‘to shoulder’ VS sánhvai,
• 比肩 bǐjiān ‘to shoulder’ VS sátcánh,
• 並非 bìngfēi 'do not' VS chẳngphải,
• 傍晚 bángwăng ‘dusk’ VS chạngvạng,
• 起源 qǐyuán ‘originate’ VS bắttnguồn,
• 起頭 qǐtóu ‘start’ VS bắtđầu,

and the pattern, as usual, appears internally in the C language:

• 騁 chéng ‘gallop’ (cf. 娉 pìng) SV sính, VS phóng,
• 津 jīn ‘river bank’ (cf. 筆 bǐ) SV tân, VS bến,
• 走 zǒu 'run' ~ 跑 păo (modern Mand.) VS chạy,
• 霄 xiāo 'vault of sky' SV tiêu ~ also read báo, bó ~ bầu, as in 'bầutrời'.

The sound change from C labials to V dentals is noted and speculated by several linguists such as Maspero and Karlgren (giving no explanation), Arisaca Hideyo and Paul Nagel as noted by Pulleyblank (1984). According to Pulleyblank, the whole sound change process can be summed up as follows:

Vietnamese t- was derived from s- < ts- < psi- < pci- as if they are from ts-. Forrest (1958) credited to Ancient Chinese pj-, bj- and the process of palatalization before certain words beginning with s- were borrowed in Vietnamese. The reverse process of s- > p-, therefore can be deduced.

If the cases of bảy and ba represent anything meaningful, 四 sì 'four' SV tứ [tɨj] VS bốn must have gone through the same process.

If the cases of ba, bốn, bảy are correct, tám should fit into the same corresponding pattern {b- ~ t-} as well.

3) The pattern { j-(z-, q- ~ ch- } seems to justify the case by itself: 九 jǐu ~ chín 'nine'. In fact, the corresponding pattern is easy to find: 煎 jiān ~ chiên 'fry'; 走 zǒu ~ chạy 'run', 足 zú ~ chân 'foot'; 焦 jiāo ~ cháy 'burnt', 正 zhèng ~ chính 'main'...

4) { S(h)-(x-, q-, z-) ~ m- } pattern is rare, yet it can still be established as follows:

• xián 鹹 : VS mặn 'salty' [ M 鹹 xián < MC ham < OC *grjem | MC reading 咸開二平咸匣 | Dialects: Changsha xan12, Shuangfeng ɠã12, Nanchang han12, Meixian ham12, Cant. ha:m12, Amoy ham12 ($); kiam12 | ¶ h- ~ m- < *OC grj- ~ m- ]
• xīn 新 : VS mới 'brand new' [ M 新 xīn < MC sjin < OC *sin | FQ 息鄰 ],
• qìng 慶 : VS mừng (also 興 xìng) 'celebrate' [ M 慶 qìng < MC khɒiŋ < OC *khraŋs ],
• shì 失 : VS mất (SV: thất) 'loss' [ M 失 shī < MC ʂit < OC *ɫit | MC reading 臻開三入質書 || cf. 沒 mò (SV một) VS mất 'loss, die' ],
• xiě 血 : VS máu 'blood' [ SV huyết | M 血 xiě, xiè < MC xwiet < OC *swit | FQ 呼決 | According to Starostin: Viet. also has tiết 'animal blood' - an archaic loan (with t- regularly representing OC *s-, which was already lost in MC). || cf. huāng 衁 : máu 'blood' \ ¶ MC hw-(xw-) ~ m-, phonetic 芒 māng. According to Bodman (1980. p.120): M 衁 huāng < MC χwâng < OC *hmang < PC **hmam. 'An interesting hapax legomenon for 'blood' appears in Dzo Zhuan (左傳) which has an obvious Austroasiatic origin. Proto-Mnong *mham ('blood'), Proto-North Bahnaric *mham ('blood') ]
• zuǐ 嘴 : môi 'lip' [ ~ VS 'mỏ, mõm' | M 嘴 zuǐ < MC tsjwɜ < OC *tsjojʔ | MC reading 止合三上紙精 FQ 即委 | According to Starostin: Originally written as 觜 (q.v.) and also read OC *tɕej, MC tsje (FQ 即移) 'a horn-shaped curl on the head of birds and cats'. Tibetan : mtʂu lip, beak.]
• 剩 shèng : VS chứa ~ mứa 'leftover' [ ~ VS thừa | M 剩 shèng < MC ʑjəŋ < OC *ljəŋs | ex. 剩飯 shèngfàn : VS bỏchứa = bỏmứa (cơmthừa) 'food leftover' ]

reversely, for the pattern {m- ~ S(q-, j-, x-...)} we have:

• míng 明 : VS sáng 'bright' [ M 明 míng < MC maiŋ < OC *mraŋ | FQ 武兵 | According to Starostin : be bright, enlightened, clear, pure, manifest. Regular Sino-Viet. is minh; Viet. mai (with a variant 'mơi') means 'tomorrow' and may be a colloquial (distorted) borrowing from MC in the special usage: 明日 maiŋ-ɲit 'tomorrow'. For *m- cf. Xiamen mi2, Chaozhou meŋ2, Fuzhou miŋ2, Jianou miŋ2, maŋ2. The original meaning must be 'clear eye-sight' (whence 'bright, pure', etc.); the meaning 'eye-sight' is actually rather widely attested during L. Zhou.]
• mō 摸 : sờ 'touch' [ ~ VS mò, mó | M 摸 mō, mó < MC mo < OC *mha: | According to Starostin : Also read *mha:k, MC mʌk id. The character is sometimes (since Tang) used instead of 摹 *mha:, MC mo 'to copy, imitate' q.v. Standard Sino-Viet. is mô; another colloquial loan from the same source is Viet. mò 'to grope, fumble'. ],
• màn 慢 : VS chậm 'slow' [ M 慢 màn < MC man < OC mərans || cf. 遲 chí (SV trì) VS chậm ].

If numerals ‘six’ to ‘ten’ in Vietnamese are truly related to those in C as they fit into the sound change patterns as enumerated above, we have the right to doubt the genuineness of the first five numbers as being derived from MK. In the case of 'ten', shí 十 may not be 'mười', but it must be 'chục' as demonstrated by the Cantonese sound /ʃʌp/ for sure.

This hypothesis is underlined by the supposition that the more archaic the roots are, which include most of basic words, the more likely that sounds might have changed more drastically, sometimes beyond recognition, losing all historically phonetic traces.(See Austro-Thai Language and Culture with a Glossary of Roots by Paul K. Benedict, 1975.) In other words, the closer the similarities are, chances are they are merely loanwords as many of those in both VS and SV vocabulary in comparison with those of the same ST roots in the Daic languages, for instance. This is certainly contrary to the belief that basic words are more static than others. In this paper we have seen that the cognates in ST languages tabulated by Shafer as previously cited also manifest this anxiom. That is because, with the exception of those real common basic words pronounced with very simple monosyllabic sounds such as 爸 bā (VS ba) "dad", 媽 mā (VS má) "mom", 目 mù (VS mắt) "eye", 食 shí (VS xơi) "eat", 飲 yǐn (VS uống) "drink", 土 tǔ (VS đất) "soil", etc., complex and multi-syllabic words such as "cùichỏ", "bảvai", gòmá", "màngtang", "mỏác", "đầugối", etc., were much vulnerable to changes and easier succumbed to many other factors, which is as common as those cognates in Indo-European languages. Just imagine languages like those of many ST languages such as C, Burmic and Daic languages of the same root started out with the same basic words at a very early ancient stage and each one had developed each own way during a span of many thousand years, as widely believed to have evolved from an ancestral language having originally consisted of clusters of consonantal initials without tone to languages with simple initials and tones as what appears today. That is true in the context that languages are not fossilized and constantly in dynamic change to evolve from primitive to sophisticated stages, especially for those that must have undergone drastic change from toneless consonantal clusters to tonal system to differentiate meanings, in this case, the monosyllabic Ancient C.

If the illustrations of the cases sáu, bảy, tám, chín, mười are not convincing enough, let’s go back and take a quick review of many other patterns that repeat between Chinese and Vietnamese like the cases bảy, ba, bốn with the pattern { S- ~ B- } as illustrated above and then continue on to the cases of một ‘one’, hai‘two’. I will give a short list, which, like other cases illustrated above, is by no means exhaustive:

• một ‘one’ < nhất (SV) [ VS Also 'mốt' as in 'hămmốt' (twenty-one) | M 一 yì < MC ʔjit < OC *ʔit < PC **ʔɨt (~ɠ-) | FQ 於悉 | MC reading 臻 開三入質影 ].

The pattern { y ~ m } :

• yún 雲: VS mây 'cloud',
• yǔ 雨: VS mưa 'rain',
• yăo 舀: VS môi (~muỗng) 'scoop' [ M 舀 yăo < MC jiaw < OC *jiaw | MC reading 效開三上小以],
• yán 鹽: VS muối 'salt' [ M 鹽 yán < MC jem < OC *am | MC reading 咸開三平鹽以 | According to Starostin : Protoform: *jam (r-). Meaning: salt. Chinese: 鹽 *lam salt; 鹹 *grjə:m salt, salty. Tibetan: rgjam-chwa a k. of salt, like crystal, lgyjam-chwa a k. of rock-salt. Burmese: jamh gunpowder, saltpetre. Kachin: jam1 a k. of salt. Kiranti: *ru\m. Comments: Ben. 57; Mat. 184 ],
• yóu 魷: VS mực 'cuttlefish' [ M 魷 yóu | Note: phonetic stem M 尤 yóu < MC jəu < OC *wjə || cf. later word 墨魚 mòyú (VS cámực) ],
• yăn 眼: (modern usage) ~ mù 目 (old usage) : VS mắt 'eye',
• yāo 邀: VS mời 'invite' ~ 請 qǐng [ VS 'xin' ~ M 請 qǐng < MC chjɜŋ < OC *sheŋʔ | According to Starostin : to invite, ask, request (L.Zhou). Also read *tɕ(h)eŋs, MC tɕje\ŋ, Mand. qìng (with irregular q-) 'name of a season (autumn)' (Han)],
• giây [dʒjʌj]: 秒 miăo 'second' [ M 秒 miăo < MC mjɜw < OC *mews ],
• dân [jʌn]: 民 mín 'citizen',
• diện [jiən]: 面 miàn 'face',
• diệu [jiəw]: 秒 miào 'miraculous',
• di [ji]: 彌 mí 'full',
• danh [jaɲ]: 名 míng 'name',
• diệuvợi [jewvəj]: 渺茫 miăománg,
• hai ~ 二 èr ‘two’ nhị (SV) [ VS Also 'nhì' as in 'thứnhì' (second) | M 二 èr < MC ɳɨ < OC *nijs | FQ 而至 | SV nhị /ɲej/ < hei ],
and , năm ‘five’:
• năm ~ 五 ‘five’ < ngũ (SV) [ VS Also 'nhăm ~ dăm ~ lăm' as in 'hămlăm' (twenty-five) | M 五 wǔ < MC ŋɔ < OC *ŋha:ʔ | FQ 疑古 | MC reading 遇合一上姥疑 | According to Starostin: be five. For *ŋh- cf. Xiamen ŋo|6, Chaozhou ŋou4, Fuzhou ŋo6, Jianou ŋu6, ŋu8. | Dialects: Wenzhou : ŋ22, Changsha : ŋ2; u 2 (lit.), Meixian : ŋ2, Cant. : ŋ22 | For ST cognates, see Shafer's list above. ]

The pattern { w ~ n } :

• 臥 wò: SV 'ngoạ', VS 'nằm' (lie down, Also: VS 'ngủ' sleep),
• 握 wò: VS 'nắm' (hold),
• 國 guó: SV 'quốc' [wʌk], SV 'nước' (nation),
• 鍋 guò: VS 'nồi' (pot),
• 偎 wèi: VS 'nể' (respect),
• 語 yǔ: SV 'ngữ', VS 'nói' (speak),

We could speculate that the difference in sounds might have been a result of sound changes that could have been either from proto-C or even originating from a form of C in a much later traceable time. Our hypothesis can be tested by just trying to pronounce the SV "nhất" and "thập" with the initial m- (that is, drop nh-), SV nhị /nhei/ with h- (that is, drop n-), SV tam, tứ, thất with b- (cf. Hainanese /ta/), SV "lục" with s- (cf. Mand. lìu), and ngũ (cf. Cant. /hŋm/) with n- (nh-, l-), bát with t-, cữu with [c] (that is, with V orthograpy ch- /ch/).

Needless to say, weakness of the points made here about the origin of numerals in V is obvious, the V "một" to "năm" is much more in close resemblance with those of MK languages while keeping distance with those of C. Again, what has been discussed so far in V numerals is just a suggestive approach in searching for the V etymology of C origin of other words, which could not be totally all wrong as analyzed and pointed in the analytic approach and not the numbers themselves just as I have mentioned previously that nothing about the numerals is certain and definitive.

However, the foregoing is holding strongly with its merits if you compare Benedict (1975, pp. 29-30) elaboration on the numeral cognates in his proposed Austro-Thai languages.

B) The unfinished work

In the past V had been once believed to belong to the MK group of the Austroasiatic linguistic family. Later on in 1911, 1912 and 1952, however, Maspero reclassified V with the Thai (or T’ai, Tai, Dai, Tay, of Daic) languages, members of the Daic division of the ST linguistic family, with which V shares, among other things, a similar tonal system similar to that of the C model. This viewpoint was shared by Forrest (1958) who inserted that

“before the Chinese conquest, Annam [Vietnam] and Kwangtung [Guangdong or Canton] were long under one rule; but everything points to that rule having been T’ai [Dai] rather than Mon-Khmer.[...] When first recorded by European Missionaries in the seventeenth century, Annamese [Vietnamese] still had compound initial groups of consonants in cases where they are now reduced to simple sounds. The phonetic history is in this respect parallel with that of T’ai and Chinese, and this fact, so far as it goes, tells in favour of a T’ai basis for the language rather than a Mon-Khmer” (p.102).

Today a few linguists like Peng Chu’nan (1984) still believe V belongs the ST linguistic family. Roland J-L Breton and Harold F. Schiffman in their Geolinguistics (1991) decided not to group V in the Austroasiatic linguistic family. In the C ~ V scenario, Pulleyblank (1984) also recognized that “Vietnamese is typologically closer to Chinese than are either Japanese or Korean and, in many ways, even Tibetan, in spite of the fact that Chinese and Tibetan are genetically related while Chinese and Vietnamese are not (unless the relationship is an exceedingly remote one)” (p.91). I myself prefer to further put V in a sub-group of the Sinitic division of the ST linguistic family despite of the fact that Sinitic division as classified consists only of C dialects. Nevertheless, by all means I do not implicitly or explicitly mean V is a C dialect. In reality, V marks off from C by some of its distinct grammatical feature of "noun + adjective" order, a substratum of meager basic words similar with those of MK origin, and those of an unidentified stratum, which become such a big issue as an obstruction to linguistic affiliation by some authors who seem to be unaware that virtually most of grammatical prepositions in V are cognate to those in Chinese clearly on the one by one basis. Even though there are words that have been classed as such in many Austroasiatic and MK word lists, I am still unable to associate them with anything but Sinitic origin, for example, "bò" ('ox, cow' as compared to "trâu" 牛 níu 'water buffallo') definitely having ST origin (see the above ST section), not clearly identified in C though, and "sữa" 乳 rǔ 'milk' (as opposed to 'susu' in Indonesian while there existing 哺 bǔ 'suck' as "bú" in V). I still suspect that the etyma might have lost when they had not been in use and substituted with other usages for different meanings as in many cases in C just as in the cases of "đực" (male) 特 tè (SV đặc), "lạc" (in place of đậuphụng 花生 huāshēng 'peanut' [Hai. /wundow/]) 落 luò (SV lạc) [ 'đậulạc' #落豆 luòdòu | etymology: VS 'rơi, rớt, rụng' | M 落 luò < MC lak < OC *ra:k. The word is used in modern C in 落花 'fallen flowers' and 落花生 'earth-nut, Arachis hypogaea' (attested since Qing) which is obviously related to V 'lạc' (earth-nut) although the direction of borrowing is not quite clear. Cf. perhaps also (as a more archaic loan) Viet. rắc 'to sprinkle, to dredge, to sow' ('to let fall') ], or "dưahấu" (watermelon) — "hấu" as a monosyllabic syllable not to be used alone -- [ M 塊瓜 kuàiguā (khốiqua) | @ # M 塊瓜 kuàiguā \ @ 塊 kuài ~ hấu | M 瓜 guā < MC kwɑ < OC *kwra: | FQ 古華 | MC reading 假合二平麻見 | as apposed to modern M 西瓜 xīguā, which becomes another word in V : 'dưatây' (literally 'western melon') to mean a different kind of non-native melons], 'bánhdày' # 餃餅 jiăobǐng, and 'bánhchưng' # 蒸餅 zhēngbǐng — modern M 粽子 zòngzi — (both being different kinds of rice cakes) as they have been previously believed to be indigenous glosses. This is an important point since because, in the cultural context, these words are closely related to the mystic legends of 18 ancestral Hồngbàng Kings of the Vietnamese people.

For all those reasons along with its undeniably intimate closeness with Chinese (to be applied equally to all Chinese dialects) in its all capacities as soon to be discussed in this paper, the V language should be adopted into the Sino-Tibetan linguistic family, which is, until now, nearly 400 languages and dialects as have been recorded and classified within this family. For Tibetan and C, it is assumed that in the pre-historic time the Tibetans and “Chinese” were originally the same people and formed a common language before divergence and differentiation later on. The formation of C is the result of the fusion of Tibetan and languages of native peoples living in the areas around today’s Henan province. On becoming itself, C has been equally influenced by those languages, which might have included those of the Yue languages, or Austroasiatic origin in a limited sens