Is it Chinese or Vietnamese?

Prelude on the Sinitic etyma



Map of the Dali State

Vietnam's Bangioc Waterfall

the Zhou Dynasty

the Han Dynasty

the immigration routes of pre-Chinese


Vietnamese       Chinese
What Makes Chinese so Vietnamese?

An Introduction to Sinitic-Vietnamese Studies

(Ýthức mới về nguồngốc tiếngViệt)


Table of Contents




Chapter Six

VI) The Chinese connection

China? Chinese? What is it? Who are they? How closely is V related to those C languages spoken in China historically? How invasive is it to tout reflection of C linguistic imprints in the V language as its speakers have been long so conscious of their national identity? In any cases, under no circumstance could we take off the connection of their country's history from that of the C for history of a nation could not be solely based on some invented account based on their own legends. (K)

Similarly, in regard to the AA-MK theory, its initiators have no down to earth history to say of both V and Khmer affiliation but a few of rare basic words on which they build their case(W). If linguists pretend that the historical issue does not exist in the related etymological realm, novices in the field would follow their predecessor's footsteps again heading the same old direction. In addition, there certainly still exist many other unresolved theoretical issues as well that could damp down one's impartial view very much depending on where s/he stands.

In this chapter the author will attempt to answer the foregoing questions under a historical perspective by addressing and sustantiating evidences for the argumentations that

A) Is it Chinese or Vietnamese?

What is the possibility for a VS word to be classified if it originated from either the Yue root or archaic C, such as those that have evolved into lexical variants or derivatives? If it is of Sintitic origin, should the VS form be then considered as a C loanword or an etymon of the same root given the plausibility that both forms could be affiliated with some indigenous "proto-Yue"? Given historical reasons, a native basic word could distance itself from other forms which are likely related as well; for example, an indigenous form *krong are cognate to both V 'sông' and C 江 jiāng (SV giang, Cant. /kong11/, 'river', as in "Mekong" and 湄江 Meijiang), the latter being an irreplaceable word in C but having a deep root of some ancient Yue language in the southern land now call China South. In Khmer the modern form "krong" means "city", though, such as 'Krong Siem Riap'.

In the meanwhile the specific phonetic shell that "wraps up" the etyma evolved from *krong in V 'sông', SV 'giang', Cant. /kong11/, M 江 'jiāng', etc., are constructed with the form toneme[C+V(+C)] that compasses all existing V and C vocabulary, every morphemic attribute -- such as its tonality -- of a V lexeme /sowŋ11/ or /səwŋ11/ is characteristically of the same nature of the ancient root */krowŋ11/. Such a linguistic build is parallel to that of genetic stock forming the same biological physique, which makes people ask themselves the question 'Is she C or V?'. Metaphorically, what counts is not the mechanics of bio-engineering that grafts C branches onto the trunk of the V tree -- just like a member its Sinicized nationals of Yue descents, e.g., coercion of local Yue women to marry northwestern Qin infantrymen in Qin Empire in China South, -- but the bio-genomes -- Taic and Yue racially mixed Chu subjects (楚國居民) who established the Han Empire -- that bear similar fruits, branches, leaves, flowers like other trees. (Charles Darwin. 1859)

V, specifically, is a language that has populated all Sinitic elements on top of its common base of ancient aboriginal strata known as that of some indigenous Yue mother language. In fact, V etyma largely consist of a greater amount of C loanwords in both SV and VS categories, a small number of the latter had actually evolved from ancient Yue roots which had also been shared by several C dialects as well, e.g., those variants from Cant., Fukienese, Hainese, etc., in China South (see illustrations in the succeeding sections after the next). However, it must be noted that the case of the V development that had gone through the 1000-year domination of C rule has been different from some other 'postulated hybrid' -- but not creolized --languages, such as Albanese of which vocabularies are totally comprised of loanwords from several other prominent languages with a few hundred native words of its own (Bloomfield. 1933).

It is interesting to note that some of the basic Yue-based lexicons might have already existed in V prior to their doublets finding their way back again into the V fundamental stock by way of other routes, e.g., 'trâu' 丑 chǒu SV 'sửu', 'ngựa' 午 wǔ SV 'ngọ' (horse), 'heo' 亥 hài SV 'hợi' (pig), etc., including those postulated as of AA family such as Mon-Khmer (MK) languages of which the Khmer zodiac names of animals are attested from trade route from Annam in ancient time as mentioned in previous chapter. Similarly, she whole process is similar to that of how Japanese words of modern western concepts of the early 20th century such as 'dânchủ' 民主 mínzhǔ (democracy) or 'cộnghoà' 共和 gònghé (republic), that were built with C materials, have found their way back into C and then later the V language.

James Campbell in Vietnamese Dialects redicules my ignorance of linguistics but he states it best that

"I originally included Vietnamese in this study/website because of the fact its phonological makeup is very similar to Chinese and, indeed, its tonal system matches the Chinese one. Originally I wrote at this site: "Vietnamese is neither a Chinese language nor related to Chinese (It is an Austroasiatic > Mon-Khmer language more closely related to Khmer/Cambodian). Besides having a very similar phonological system, and due to the heavy Chinese influence on the language, it also has a tone system that matches the Chinese one." However, after reading and conducting a bit more research, it appears that Vietnamese affiliation with Việt-Mương, Mon-Khmer, and Austroasiatic, may in fact be a faulty case."

[...] [Vietnamese] may not be considered a Sinitic language or one of the Chinese dialects, but the Kinh have a lot in common with the Chinese culture, and the language leaves little to doubt. I will not go into great detail about how this is claimed, as a great deal has been posted at some other websites (see below [for study by dchph, the author of this very paper]) and that is not the purpose of this site. However, one can see that Vietnamese shares many traits in common with Chinese: 60-70% Sinitic vocabulary, another 20% of vocabulary is substrata of proto-Sinitic vocabulary, much of the grammar and grammatical markers share similarities with Chinese, along with classifiers. One would find it very difficult to draw similar parallels between Chinese and other Mon-Khmer languages. It seems that after considering all of this, what is left that is Mon-Khmer is actually very little, and probably acquired over time through contact with bordering nations. For example, the numbers are of distinct Mon-Khmer origin, however, used in many compound words, Vietnamese uses instead Chinese roots (as is common in the other Sino-Xenic languages, Japanese and Korean)." (X)

Let's talk a bit more about the affiliation of the two countries in terms of political geography where nothern VN's region once was a part of the Middle Kingdom before the 10th century for 1000 years. However, Annam was never recognized as a sovereign state in an official C history. Throughout the long C colonial rule from 111 BC to 979 AD there emerged one short interval of an independent VN ruled by the Early Lý Dynasty from 544 to 602 AD. In the meanwhile, for the most part Annam was normally considered by China as its vassal state even after hundreds of years long it became sovereignty. In effect, the ancient VN had been treated as a prefecture of the C empire up until the Qing Dynasty in the late 19th century. By then its declining imperial government was forced to sign the Treaty of Tientsin (1885) with the French government to renounce its protectorate rights in Annam to France.

China's history, at the very least, has been an essential part to that of VN. To write VN's history of the early days as it was first written -- such as the The ĐạiViệt Sửký Toànthư (Complete Annals of ĐạiViệt) in 1479, the official history of the Lê Dynasty, originally compiled by the court-appointed official Ngô Sĩ Liên, by the order of King Lê Thánh-Tông -- historians normally referred to C records for historical anecdotes of the place once called Giaochi (交趾 Jiaozhi). To compile specifically about the nation of "Yue of the South", i.e., Việtnam, in continuation, C history is indispensable in all chronological phases unless V historians do not seek to connect the ancient VN prior to her independence in 939, that is, 1000 years long of "northern colonization period" that was imposed on Giaochi in the northeastern part of today's North VN starting in 218 BC under the rule of the First Emperor Qin Shihuang (秦始皇) as a prefecture of the Qin Empire until it became part of the larger Namviet Kingdom established by the Triệu Dynasty (207–111 BC). Ancient VN continued to be a prefecture of the Middle Kingdom as Giaochau and Annam under the rule of the succeeding Han Dynasty until the end of the Tang Dynasty in 907 AD. The turbulent period that broke up the Middle Kingdom into 10 states had created facility for the emergence of an independent VN in 939 AD. In search for an even more archaic period with those already existed folklores of which some legends could be attested with earlier C historical records, for instance, the legend of VN's "Thánh Dóng" who fought against Yin invaders (1718 BC-1631 BC) as recorded in China's early history (董) or that of "King Andươngvương and the Magic Bow" to relate to the establishment of ancient state of ÂuLạc.(A).

V historians like to assume that VN used to have her own written historical records and literary works which include the two declarations of independence of their ancestral "Southern Yue State" (NamViệt) (I) despite of the fact that they all were written in C even after her becoming a sovereignty in 939 AD. V scholars believe many VN's historical records could not be found now because they were destroyed by constant resistance wars. They even further imagine that when the C aggressors left the country, they did not forget to bring home with them all available books from their old colonial VN.

As a matter of fact, researchers can, however, affirm that in Giaochi, i.e., Annam prefecture, as it is never considered as a nation of it own in C official history, there were no "constant resistance wars" before the collapse of the Tang Dynasty (907). Throughout the colonial period under the C rule, sporadic uprising rebellions were always expected to be suppressed eventually; there was no need for the C colonialists to bring back to the mother land all volumes of written materials. All those greedy C mandarins would never care much about cultural heritage but monetary valuables such as gold and pecious germs and C generals were busy securing their interests in their own stations.(V) In other words, prior to her sovereignty, history of ancient Annam had simply been "Annals of local events" (地方誌) of China.

Such supposition, on the one hand, was highly probable for the reason that throughout the time span before and after 939 whilst in those divided states back home had been ravaged in ferocious wars among warlord factions raging on in the mainland, the Annam Prefecture inside the Qinghaijun Military Zone (清海軍區) were normally the prosperous and safe haven, home away from home. During the chaotic period immediately after the collapse of the Tang Dynasty in 907 the whole union of Middle Kingdom was broken up into 7 major different states, with each having been ruled by different self-claimed emperors and kings overall for 72 years until 979. (Bo Yang, Vols 65-72, 1993) Again, note that by then even though Annam had been a de facto sovereignty, C historians just treated it like a renegade prefecture, comparable to Taiwan or even Hong Kong today. It is understandable that, on the other hand, most of the C colonialists and their family -- of high officials appointed by the NanHan State's imperial court (南漢王國, 917-971, consisting of rerritories of today's China's provinces of Guangdong, Guangxi, Hainan, and northeastern part of North VN) which was then controlled and manipulated by eunuchs -- in this case they would rather choose to remain in the Annam Prefecture (the name itself stands for "the Pacified South") than to return to the diminishing state of NanHan in the mainland. Besides, for all high officials of the state in order to hold important governmental post, they were supposed to be castrated, each one to become an eunuch among some 20,000 significant others. (Bo Yang, Vol. 72, p. 160. 1993)

Accordingly, to understand the becoming of the V her language it should be put within the historical framework that in the ancient Annam as a colony of China its linguistic development had evolved from such a long millenium under strong influence of C in many aspects of life (compare today's English in many other parts of the world.) Besides the formal lingo of classic C Wenyanwen (文言文), for other C dialectal coloquial speeches brought in and spoken within certain officals in the colony of Annam, historical linguists can still make use of C literary works and dictionaries like Guangyun (廣韻) and Kangxi Zidian (康熙字典) in order to find their etymological vestiges of basic words in other Sinitized Yue languages that might once exist in the ancient V. Additionally, it is noted that while varieties of some train of northern dialectal dominant C language -- for most C rulers were northerners, which shows in the fact that their capitals mostly built in the north, including the Ming's palace which had been initially located in Nanjing (南京) and then moved to today's Beijing (北京) location -- might have been in use mainly by the mandarins, many V etyma could be recognized and postulated through northern C colloquial expressions supposedly spoken by the general public living inside the Middle Kingdom, for example, 'lúcnào' 牢牢 láoláo (all the times), 'luônluôn' 老老 láoláo (always), 'khôngphảisao?' 可不是 kěbùshì (isn't it so?), etc.,

In regard to how V and C languages have been affiliated, with all aforementioned entanglements throughout the colonial period, they and their speakers have been products of a racial mixture of the indigenous people and all those racially-mixed Han people of Yue origin, including infantrymen, exiled officials, and other emigrants. The later C immigrants kept pouring in to the Annam prefecture since 111 BC, the process which has incessantly continued on even beyond the period of C domination. Anthropologically, unlike the other East Asia's countries such as the two Koreas and Japan who uniquely display their own national identities,

-- The fact that the Koreans and Japanese could not absolutely be identified with the Chinese still currently shows as those people of Chinese ethnicity living in South Korea and Japan for many generations remain aliens.--
even though VN survived the C colonialization, the process of sinicization had put a heavy toll and left a permanent sinitic mark on her people and their language.

Ethnically, VN's nationals consist of more than 85 percent of the Kinh majority who are known as V ethnicity plus approximately 14% of 53 minority ethnic groups. Of the former group, they have, in effect, emerged from racially-mutated stock of aboriginals and resettlers from the northern regions which would later become the Middle Kingdom, and both groups of people supposedly having a mixture of early ancestral Yue natives who had inhabited a wide-spread area stretching out from Lake Dongtinghu located in Hunan Province in China South (CS) to today's North VN regions, including the lately acquired land of the ancient Nanzhao Kingdom (南詔 738-902) -- and later of Dali State (大理國 937–1253 ) -- southeastern area, south of Yunnan Province, China, that makes up the Annam's northwestern area. In a much later development since the 12th century, new stretches of land were seized from the two kingdoms of Champa and Khmer that consist of VN's western high plateau region and mountainous ranges from north to south which became remote and safe havens for most highland minorities, also known as montagnards, who are notably of Chamic and Khmer origin.

Map of the Dali State in 1142

Map of the Dali State in 1142

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With respect to the C and V racial affiliation, hence, consequently, resulting in a linguistic relationship, one would be able to distinguish those Han resettlers in ancient times (who constituted a portion of the early Kinh populace in terms of their mixture with the aborigines) from those contemporary latecomers of C immigrants (who have made up the C ethnic group officially called the Hoa minority of around 1 million people) as late as in the end of the World War II. Both former and latter groups have lived mostly in the lowland and the coastal townships and become members the Kinh people over the years. Many of the early C resettlers -- such as thousands of those refugees coming in by boats after the fall of the Ming Dynasty in the China's mainland to the hands of the northern Manchurians -- were credited for their contributions in building new towns such as those southern places, those newly acquired areas historically belonging to the ancient Khmer Kingdom, before the mainstream Kinh moved in like Hàtiên or even Sàigòn. In a notable event of a very much recent development, a sizable portion of the Hoa minority actually are descendants of many C-V left behind from the exodus of the C minority trying to get out of the country in 1979 having started before the imminent Sino-V border war and that continued on to 1996 with approximatey 400,000 C-V refugees plus who fled VN were later resettled in the US, Canada, and many other western countries. (H)

Historically, since 111 BC early waves of C immigrants followed the footsteps of the Han's invaders who had occupied and established their rule in the ancient Annamese land. Throughout the period that followed for at least the next 1000 years C immigrants from the north had migrated, resettled, and intermarried with local wives. They and their offsprings, as a result, mostly constituted an integral part of the already established "Kinh ethnicity" (京族) as mentioned above. The term "Kinh" originally was used to indicate those "metropolitans" who resided in large cities around the Red River Basin and townships in the lowland. No need to say, it is those places that the Han colonialists built barracks to station their troops and residences to house their administrative officials. Most of them stayed in the ancient Annam when the Tang Empire disintegrated in 907.

The same process of racial integration and language development that lasted for the next 1000 years appear just like what the C had done to the ancient Annamese for hundreds of years before. Decendants of those native people of both kingdoms of Champa and Khmer were identified with the later Annamese invaders who took their turn to play the role of expansionists in place of those earlier C colonialists of the ancient northern territory of Annam. In fact, after 939 AD as people of the newly established sovereign state of Annam further moved on to its neighbors' adjacent territories further in the south, over time and along the way they met and intermarried with the local Chamic and Khmer people. Those local people of the two lost kingdoms had in effect mixed with the newly Annamese resettlers to have given rise to the latest new mixture of the late Annamese generations. Given the fact that there existed no ethnic lynching records of whatsoever in related historical events until the end of the 18th century, the newly racially mixed offsprings of the late Annamese resettlers with those Chamic and Khmer people in the newly annexed land emerged and they would pose no distinction with the Kinh majority in terms of racial integration for their physical appearance look alike probably due to the equal that they were borne in the harshly warm climate of equatorial region. Altogether the 5 main ethnic stocks have made up the Kinh majority, i.e., the Taic, the Yue, the C, the Chamic, and the Khmer as we have seen all over places in modern VN.

While Chamic or Khmer heritage has been largely acclaimed with prestigious cultural artifacts and colossus monuments, many V academics have missed the point mainly more on the C racial factor. Maybe it is the term "Chinese" that has bothered them all along just like what we discuss in chapter 5. What else would one expect to see that could have emerged from an ancient prefecture of the Middle Kingdom for 1000 years then? Just like the case of many other former colonial countries on earth such as Ireland vs. England nor Mexico vs. Spain, or closer to home where Canton's or Amoy's ethnic entitties, i.e., aboriginal Yue people in ancient region's where today's Guangdong and Fujian provinces located, have been mostly assimilated into the Han C mainstream, VN had faced the same fate that it would fail to resist and subdue increasing pressure of assimilation after some hundred years under the domination of a much more powerful country than itself. It is not hard to a novice to grasp the core matter with the reinstatement as such. It is a plain and simple cognizance.

Bangioc Waterfall over the river


Artistic render of the Taic-Yue-Chin-Chamic-Khmer cascades of the modern Vietnamese.
(Source: modified from a Bangioc Waterfall image downloaded from internet.)

To be easier on the brain similar to those of artists who could visualize strings of data. Here is another way to depict of the whole rationalization above. Let's paint a picture of an imaginery V national landcape with infusion of water colored ink with the darkest spot on top and the lightest one down under. Analogously, the overall process of inundation appears to look like multi-tiered cascades with the current flow at the bottom waterfall that pours into a river pool. Imagine the cascade underneath the one at the top stood for the early C -- as the Han Empire's subjects -- who were largely made up with all the subjects in the kingdoms of ancient Qin, Chu, Wu, Yue, etc., of which their descendants had been of the Yue root as well. It is the Taic (先傣, or proto-Daic, who Bình Nguyên Lộc, 1972, called "Malay" people, populace of the Chu State 楚國 c. 1030 BC–223 BC) or pre-Yue, cascade as the common source that towers at the peak as the source pouring downward until muddy water -- symbolizing foreign elements that made up the early proto-C normadic horsemen who had conquered the ancient mainland of pre-China -- were totally infused with other elements at the bottom. Submerging in the lightly colored stream further down below are blended current that streams down all the way from the top -- the racially-mixed populace of both the Han and Yue peoples -- and pick up all other elements -- e.g., Chamic and Khmer, etc. -- along the way down before reaching over the river. What is inside the river pool then actually the V racial composition that, analytically, appeared to be that of other southern racially-mixed populace in region of China South, also descendants of the Yue people who had been the ancestors of ancient Annamese as well.

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Theorization like the one discussed above is based on C historical records. Many V nationalists, nevertheless, might find it hard to accept such sino-centric view because it is inundatedwith sinitic elements per se on what they already considered as of "pure" V entities, racially and linguistically, pertaining to their respective origin. One must pick choices between non-fictional and legendary stories to start talking about history of a language and its peakers, though. If one choose to go with history, s/he must undersand that the composition of the VN's "Kinh" people has been an inevitable result of racial mixture of the native Yue people and the so-called Han people over time, a product of China's semingly endless colonizationation of the southern that had pushed up the stream of southward emigration of the Yue inhabitants in the ancient CS reagions. The whole process took place in the very similar fashion to what made up the populace of the Han Empire after it had conquered the NanYue Kingdom in 111 AD. Before or after the Han Dynasty, of course, there existed no such thing called the "Han race" but only the Han culture and the people who adapt it.

With respect to the Han people, they are actually of racially mixed stock, having emerged from the unified empire first established by Emperor Qin Shihuang of the Qin Dynasty which is now known as "China". The Qin Empire initially encompassed (a) all the subjects of other 6 states (whose forefathers were unlikely of the same ancestors with those of the Qin State) that it had previously conquered and added to (b) the pool of its original subjects who had descended from an ancestral line passed down by those proto-Tibetan normadic horsemen and (c) those ancient northern tribes of non-Taic origin from the earlier periods of the Shang and Xia (ancestors of the Altaic line and its Turkish descendants in China North), plus (d) all the subjects in those earlier states which had paid tributes to the feudal Western Zhou's kings. The people having emerged the latter groups further mixed with indigenous Yue inhabitants in CS as the Qin Empire conquered and expanded further to the south and its population were multiplied with more indigenous Yue tribes as their territories were incorporated into the geo-political map of an entity being known as the Middle Kingdom (中國). In V there exists the word 'Tàuô' to call the "Qin" (秦) people who customarily donned themselves in black attires, which, etymologically, gave rise to the word 秦烏 Qinwu, or SV 'Tầnô' -- the surviving people of all other ancient states that would no longer exist after the Qin's invasion, all would probably call them something similar to "Tàuô" /taw2o1/ -- hence, the VS 'Tàuô' and the derivative 'Tàu'. The degrading term 'Tàu', phonologically, emerged as /-n-/ merged with the contraction of /-wo-/ > /-w/, a case of sound sandhi of the ending -n of the first syllable with the rounded vowel o- of the second syllable to finalize it as an ending semi-vowel /-w/. In a succeding course of events, nevertherless, the short-lived Qin Dynasty finally collapsed and the contention with the defiantly reborn Chu State to take over the whole empire was won by the empowered Han's first king, Liu Bang, and his generals, notably all having been the old Chu subjects who were descendants from the same Taic ancestors of the Yue.

Map of the Zhou Dynasty

Map of the Zhou Dynasty

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The Han Empire, a continuation of the unified Middle Kingdom, had its territory expanded and populated with a great number of the subjects of all other ancient states. Racially and linguistically, the Han's elements grew on top of what already consisted those populace of the Chu State and then later added up with those Yue components from the later NamViet Kingdom. Thenceforth there emerged the people called 'Han', including those later acquired territories in today's of Guangdong and Guangxi provinces. In other words, they consisted of all people living within the Han Empire since then would be called the Han people (just like an Amercian born in the US, analogously). In short, the formation of the Han Empire's populace was the result of the mixture of those original subjects -- who previously had already made up a part of the multi-state populace of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty -- of the lost Qin subjects and were blended with the people north of the Yangtze River and the Yue people in the CS region.

Since 111 BC after the Han Empire had annexed the whole NamViet Kingdom into their newly unified Middle Kingdom, the racially-mixed Han people from CS kept infiltrating continuously into the southeastern portion of the newly annexed Giaochỉ, that is, the northeastern part of today's VN. Of the first waves of the Han colonists with their infantrymen advanced southward, many of them originally of BachViet (百越 or M BaiYue) origin in the CS as forementioned were displaced from their ancient habitat in the northern region -- just south of the Yangtze River (楊子江) in today's Hubei and Hunan provinces -- to other faraway places in VN's Red River Basin and resettled there, permanently.

At the same time, following the long-marched Han soldiers were those exiled officials and their family, refugees fleeing ravages of wars and hunger, etc. Altogether they moved in en masse and finally all made their home in their newly occupied territory which was later known as 'Annam Đôhộphủ' (安南督護府 'Southern Pacification Protectorate Prefecture') until the end of the Tang Dynasty. Many of them further encroached into lower level cultivated land of southeastern basin in Vinhphuc and Hoabinh provinces of today's VN, resettled there, and never returned home. Altogether, 1000 years after that colonial period, they made up the larger part of the Kinh mojority population of the newly independent Annam.

Map of the Han Dynasty

Map of the Han Dynasty

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From the beginning the presence by Han colonists in the ancient Annamese land pushed those native inhabitants -- technically known as the Vietmuong -- to remote mountainous regions, who are now called the Muong ethnic group largely now concentrating in Hoabinh Province, one among now recognized 54 national minority groups displaced in their own ancestral land. Those local people who stayed tay behind in large cities and townships in arable lowland cooperated with the Han colonists. The integration of many newcomers of the Han stock from China during their southern expedition took roots in the new southern resettlement as they married with local women nad the end result after hundreds of years was new generations of children born in racially-mixed family in Annam and they became 'Annamites' (安南居民), forefathers of the "Kinh" people, or "metropolitans".

In our modern time, those youths who have been raised from new V immigrant family in the western countries such as US, Germany, or France, etc., display their robust builds thanks to their nutritious diet. Physically, in contrast with their parents, they all grow up solidly tall and big with a much lighter complexion, which manifests the biological genetic inheritance of nothern heavy stock, different from those of Mon-Khmer of AA origin or people of Austronesian origin such as Chamic (genetically related to the Li minorities on China's Hainan island), Malay, Filippino, or Indonesian in the far south.
As a matter of fact, 99 percent of the Kinh people today bear C family surnames. Note that the social intercourse was similar to events of racial integration process during the short-lived Qin Dynasty that carried out an imperial decree that coerced more than 30,000 local women to marry their soldiers. We already discuss much of this matter in the previous chapter on politics. In short, home-groomed scholars mostly keep themselves in the line of politically-correct (PC) code.

To understand the matter better under the perspective of anthropology, one can compare such postulation of the origin of the V people with some other similar national development that took on the same path in establishing a new multi-racial nation, regardless of specific ethnicity origin, which was how Annamese entity emerged 2200 years ago. First, for example, contemporary Asian history has witnessed the three consecutive prime ministers of Singapore and, second, all Taiwan's presidents, like their fellow countrymen, are all of China's mainland's origin in terms of where their ancestors come from, specifically Fujian Province, and they take pride in themselves as Singaporean and Taiwanese, respectively, in such a proud manner that goes hand in hand with one's national identity. Think of projected total of all children born to more than one hundred thousand V women married to those local husbands in Taiwan -- most of whom are original descendants of fully Sinicized Fukienese (X2Y3Z4H) (交) immigrants from the mainland of China -- in the last 25 years, their number as of now could probably have surpassed ancient VN's total population of about 900 thousand people as recorded in the Han's population census survey of the Giaochâu (交州 Jiaozhou) prefecture 2000 years ago. The racial balance of the two scenarios could have been the same, the difference is one being called 'Annamites' while the other 'Taiwanese', both speaking diferent a Sinicized version of their own language, including the proportion of each respective aboriginals.

Taiwanese Identity

Of the 23 million people in Taiwan, 98% are descendants of ethnic Han Chinese immigrants who migrated from China from the 17th to the 20th century. Of these, around 70% are descended from immigrants from Fujian and identify themselves as Hoklo whilst 15% are Hakka from Guangdong (Canton) and also Fujian. The ancestors of these people were laborers that crossed the Taiwan Strait to work on plantations for the Dutch. It is believed that these male laborers married local aborigine women, creating a new ethnic group of mixed Chinese and aborigine people. It is these descendants who identify themselves as Taiwanese and increasingly reject their identity as Chinese. The reason for this lies to a great extent with the authoritarian rule of the foreign Kuomintang (KMT) which fled mainland China during the Chinese Civil War and set up government in Taiwan. There was martial law that lasted four decades and was discriminatory against the existing inhabitants of Taiwan. Mandarin, a foreign language, was imposed as the national language (國語) and all other languages were made illegal. The harsh rule over Taiwan was lifted in 1988 and began a new era in Taiwanese history when Lee Tenghui, a Taiwanese, became president. The first transition of power from the China-centric KMT occurred in 2000 when Taiwanese Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive Party won the presidential elections. He made efforts to push for Taiwan independence with statements that there are two nations across the Taiwan Strait; a push for plebiscite on independence; and the abolishment of the National Unification Council. Taiwanese opinion on independence is split between the northern and southern half of Taiwan which interestingly also divides the "mainlander" (外省人) in the north from the "Taiwanese" (本省人) in the south.


In the context that it does not matter much what their actual origin genetically is; it is their country of birth that counts. Like the precious status-quo of their national independence for Taiwan that the Taiwanese are holding tight on, which both the Tibetan and Ughyr people in China's mainland have also struggled for, the modern V feel the same way today -- cf. "the "mainlander" (外省人) in the north from the "Taiwanese" (本省人) in the south -- even with much more understandably arrogant for their gung ho attitude throughout their long history fighting against mostly C invaders including their having unprecedentedly defeated the Mongols 3 times in the 13th century (M) who ruled China for nearly 100 years, succeeded in the historical acquisition of stretches of land south of the nation, one by one, that used to belong to the now extinct kingdoms of Champa and, partly, of the Khmer, for which they have sacrified a great deal to keep the foreign forces at bay for the last 1080 years one generation after another.

For a linguist, sole elaboration on the political, cultural, and historical aspects of a language under survey is sufficient if the matters under discussion are considered as irrelevant to one another like those of MK and V for the reason that history of their development had been independent of each other until the last millenium. That is not the case between V and C at all. In the field of VS study it is more of the norms than not, one still needs a more comprehensive approach to cover all of the above plus other anthropological elements because they all are relevant and interrelated intimately; otherwise, one could not explain the cognateness of intimate or unrefined words in C and V, such as private human reproductive organs and sexual acts such as 'cu, cặt' 龜 guī, 'hĩm, lồn' 隂 yīn, 'đụ, đéo, bề' 嫖 piáo, etc., not to mention all other 'refined' words are of the same roots. Those similarities are the underlined genomes that gave rise to unique peculiarities that exist only in genetically affiliated languages, so to speak.

Their linguistic commonalities characterize all different dialects and sub-dialectal variants, exposing intrinsically shared features that could not be found in languages of different linguistic family. It is such uniqueness that also masks the true appearance of the same etyma since they possess so much likeness that could only be either used to posit as of the same root or discarded outright as loanwords because of their closeness. For example, 'đường' 糖 táng (sugar) vs. 'đàng' or 'đường' 唐 táng (path) are of the same origin, with the former as originated from a Yue root and the latter, /dang2/, highly likely from MC, respectively. You will see more of this kind of cognates later when we extend them further, each as component of dissyllabic and bisyllabic words as in "đáiđường" and "tiểuđường" 糖尿 tángniào (diabetic) where 尿 niào (SV niệu) are wholly cognate to both "tiểu" and "đái" and 尿尿 niàoniào can be postulated for "điđái" or baby 'pee pee' or '(go to) urinate'.

There exist so many fundamental words that carry similar patterns as such in bothe V and C. We, nevertheless, still cannot solely depend on etymological aspects to determine linguistic family affililation of related languages. We should also look at their characteristics and attributes as well. In this specific case, the word 'đường' with its make-ups could not be pronounced differently if they are not related at all. For eample, M 糖 táng /t'aŋ2/ as an alternate to an older form 'đàng' /daŋ2/ is not equal to 'đường' /dɨəŋ2/, a V doublet of 糖 táng, but M 'táng' must be from 'đường' [ɗɨə̤ŋ˨˩], undoubtedly a Yue word. Both forms are related then, but why is it "đường" and "táng" but not something else like /@#$%/ ? It is obvious that both SV forms 'Đàng' and 'Đường' are from 唐 Táng (Tang Dynasty). Etymologically, what signifies 唐 táng as 'đường' or 'đàng' to mean 'road' might be associative with 'path inside a palace'. Synonymously, postulation of the etymology of the word 道 dào (SV 'đạo' > VS 'đường', 'nẽo'...) as VS 'đường' is based on their corresponding pattern of /-owŋ/ ~ /-aw/ (cf. "đau" (pain) ~ 痛 tòng (SV thống)").

Let's put it in a different perspective, say, suppose that V were "English" and C language with its 7 major dialects considered as its core -- similar to those of Germanic, Greek, Roman, Latin, French loanwords in English -- V then could be treated in the same manner like any English in the framework of Indo-European (IE) lnguistic family (hence, for comparison purpose, analogously implied IE="Sino-Tibetan" and V = "English"). Such analogy is another way to substantiate the interrelationship of V with all C dialects on the TB linguistic tree, where TB herein equates with IE in this symposium.

That is also another way to suggest that should China be not a unified nation (say, "the Untied Nations of the Middle Kingdom") but its each province would remain sovereign as an individual European nation like what we have seen before the formation of the European Union (EU), then each dialect in Guangdong and Fujian provinces could not be called dialects but languages themselves as a matter of fact (analogously, cf. Danish, German, English, or Italian, Spanish, French, etc.) Reversely, for the same rationalization, if VN had not become an independent country and remained in China, there is no doubt that the Annamese language -- modern Hainanese still call it /a1nam2we5/ -- like Cantonese and Fukienese, would have been classed as one of C dialects by now in China as well.

Methodologically, while most renown sinologists in the West are trained with modern methological tools commonly utilized in Indo-European linguistic application, it is noted that their approach might not do justice to VS linguistic studies and their western linguistic principles would yield little help in understanding a 'strange language' (Bloomfield, 1933, p. 93). For example, syntactic concepts of inflective cases, i.e., accusative, nominative, dative, etc., in Latin, German, or Russian, are virtually non-existent in all Sinitic languages except for what appears only in the forms of reconstructed OC roots *-s as verb function (Bloomfield, 1933. p. 17). In the earlier period of French colonialization in VN, French linguists even mocked the Annamese language to the effect of "primitively having no grammar", so they had all those of V syntax put under the umbrella of French gammatical framework, e.g., different concepts such as parts of speech, verb conjugation, or tenses, etc., that are aggregately altogether absent in the V language or any C language for that matter.

Balancing compromises is the main step to do to achieve fairly the same degree of objectivity between what was rendered by those French pioneer linguists in the early 20th century -- such as Maspero and Haudricourt, who might neither give a thought about influential fact of nationalism nor feel the heat of C influence -- with Sinitic oriented academic work by V or C scholars -- such as Nguyễn Đình-Hoà, Lê Ngọc-Trụ, Wang Li (王力), or Chao Yuen-Ren (趙元任) -- given the limit beyond areas of their specialties. It is too bad, though, that those revered veterans are no longer with us in our time to disagree more with the author so that the new historical -- implicitly including both geographical and cultural as well -- framework on which the modified Sinitic theorization of VS etymology initiated in this research is based could be further strengthened.

One could not, nevertheless, shy away from analytic tools utilized in Indo-European methology while working historical linguistics. Long before recently, V home-grown scholars such as Bùi Khánh-Thế and Cao Xuân-Hạo, have finally sorted out and modified the whole western approach based on previous work done by those western pioneers as mentioned above. But all that appears to belong to mechanics, not of substance and nature of the V language (See Cao Xuân Hạo, 2009). Overall, that could be interpreted as the result of one's privately hold sentiment on irreconcilably nationalistic issues like what was elaborated in the previous chapter on politics. They are essentially the core matter of evaluation and cognizance of the origin of the V language. In any case, we all may be in agreement that it is those early linguists who have solidly set up monumental groundwork, or at least a movable springboard, for us to seriously continue the task in this VS linguistic field having started with the same western methodology and spirit, i.e., analytics and impartility, to say the least.

At the same time, by identifying shortcomings of previous works by pioneers in the field, the author proposes that certain concepts would fill in some vacancy with exotic categories lacking from them. For example, the issue of tone as a morphemic feature should be framed into lexemes with western syntactic flexible form to indicate tonal registred pitch. Let's associate that with the concept of toneme, specifically applied to tonality that exists largely in both C and V. A toneme can function as a primary morpheme suprasegmentally to differentiate lexical meanings, e.g., ye1, ye2, ye3, ye4, ye5, ye6, ye7, ye8, etc. Call each lexeme that is embeded with a tonene as a glosseme that goes with each syllable -- including a morpheme -- or a word. In English, the closest thing may be found in intonation, but that is for a phrase or sentence (see Moira Yip. 1990). Variant intonation of a similar lexeme or syllable /ye/ in English, autosegmentally, does not change the core meaning of it at all, even if it is embeded with any glosseme, say, 'yea?', Yeh?', yeh?', 'yes?', yep?', yah?', 'ya!', etc., given that what makes a word sound like a tonal one, i.e., stress, pitch, etc., is changes in its intonation, which makes the meaning change accordingly; however, in most cases, the basic meaning does not change much. In general, in the Indo-European languages, concept of such a lexical feature , tones, being perceived as pitch-registered segments, does not exist on the other side of equation. By the way, similarly, so does the Khmer language.

At the same time, common "laws" of sound changes, phonetically, applicable in Western linguistics, therefore, could not satisfactorily explain all phenomena of many irregular sound patterns. Overall, sound changes in V etyma could be evaluated in ad hoc bais, so to speak. For example, the Grimm's law of sound changes such as the Theory of the Great Shift that is proved to work well with the Germanic languages seems to have their limits in supporting etymological evidences by batches that would solidly purport claims of ST and VS etymological cognateness except for those applicable data in SV loanwords which characterize sound change patterns from C to V forms in a uniform fashion such /s-/ ~ /t-/, /c-/ ~ /th-/, etc.

As a matter of fact, in many plausible instances VS etyma could probably be discovered mostly by chance, not by "Grimms laws", or any laws for that matter, simply because their uniqueness does not fit well into cross-referenced patterns or, at least, the whole picture with those patterns that appear with high frequencies. In staging a case for that scenario, that is of C and VS corresponding patterns of the sound changes, the law appears to run rather erratically on VS side with syllabic values that have been proved to be regular in SV loanwords that carry similar phonemic forms aforementioned.

There are many reasons behind such phenomenom. The case could be that of the sound change pattern that shows one to many correspondences. When a polysyllabic form that have evolved from monosyllabicity along with associated tonemes, or tonal morphemes, all is affected by a complete change, for example, 教書 jiàoshū in the translating form as 'dạyhọc' (teach) it takes place of 教學 jiàoxué, an older form which is SV 'giáohọc', before it is symnonymously identified with VS 'dạyhọc' which has been a later development in modern M. Specifically in this associative sound change case, for the loss of the stopped ending /-wk/, 書 shū is identified with 學 xué for 'học' /hɔwk8/. In the meanwhile 教 jiào in modern M 教師 jiàoshī it gave rise to SV 'giáosư' and VS metathetical 'thầygiáo', that is, the latter is for the same concept 'teacher' with the syllabic forms being in reverse order.

With respect to C and V linguistic affiliation, justification of Sinitic to VS transformation seems to belong to a separate field of research with different sets of expertise which demands a high level of mastery of both C and V, in and out, not just collegiate linguistics. Western linguistic mechanics are just like the machine codes running behind modern computer operating systems (OS) in which language-specific applications (apps), analogously, the V and C languages that run on top of it, are not in computerese programmer's expertise but that of those localizers who know linguistic specifics in related languages, in that case, V etyma of C origin, which could be not only solely reconstructed by a rule of western linguistic methodology but also deep knowledge of classic C so that one could dig in those estranged and orphaned dialectal items or alternative lexical forms to find their root in the Kangxi Dictionary as well as the ability to cleverly extract an etymon that is buried deeply in some textual quotes scattering in some ancient book. For example, the notatation of 車 chē VS 'xe' (carriage) in 後漢書 HòuHànshū (Book of the Later Han) reads like 居 jū (SV cư) or */ku/ as indicated by the phonetic 古 */ku/ and that is equivalent to 'cộ' /ko6/ (rickshaw) which gives rise to "xecộ" to mean both 'cars' in general and specific 'rickshaw' in modern V.

Any V words that have roots found in C character bank could distance themselves a bit differently from what it might sound like in the ancient times. The changes could occur due to dialectal and historical factors depending on their popularity and frequency of usage even if they were derived from the same ideographic forms of character building principles. For instance, for the V concept of 'boat', the VS form 'tàu' appears to correspond to either 刀 dāo (SV đao), 舠 dāo (SV đao), 艘 sōu (SV tao), while 'đò' to 舟 zhōu (SV chu), with which we can reference to VS 'đỏ' 彤 tóng (SV đồng), etc.

In fact in the Kangxi Dictionary 康熙字典 there exist so many characters and words that are no longer in use such as other alternate forms and doublets, i.e., one concept with several various characters, e.g., for VS 'xanh' (blue) ~ 靑 qīng (SV thanh) ~ 清 qīng (SV thanh) vs. 'xanh' 倉 cāng (SV thương) ~ 滄 cāng (SV thương) ~ 蒼 cāng (SV thương), with which we can make references to the concept of 'trờixanh' (blue sky) # 青天 qīngtiān ~ 蒼天 cāngtiān (blue sky and the Spreme Almighty), etc. What is left in current repository of characters is selective picks at our disposal today. Under the modern romanized orthographic form of 'xanh', if we wish to pinpoint exactly the correct C etyma used in V, it is not easy to tell right away which C character has been selected. It could be the other way around, though, that a V character could be considered a dialectal form in Annam Prefecture and they were recorded in the Kangxi dictionary. Those characters would be difficult to be identified unless it is so mentioned discreetly.

After the 10th century onward, many exotic characters might exist in the V domain only. That was another parallel development after Annam's separation from the Middle Kingdom when the new V scripts emerge called the Nôm characters. In effect they were built from the same building blocks of solid C ideographs for which 'Annamite scholars' (NhàNho 安南儒家) had adapted.

Lexically, most of SV vocabularies are literary forms so their usages are always associated with written C characters, a high level system of ideograph-phoneticization, on which many characters are based, coined, or created. In the end some infrequently used words have become absolete as people adapted some other forms instead for actual usage.certain C words were modified semantically before they passed down to the next generations, such as derived SV "tửtế" 仔細 zǐxī for the concept of 'kindness' while its VS form as "kỹcàng" (a reduplicative bisyllabic word) to mean 'meticulous', "thấtlạc" (lost) 失落 shìluò vs. "lạcloài" (at loss), etc., along with other newly coined words or adapted in polysyllablic formation such as "lịchsự" 歷事 lìshì (polite), "íchkỷ" 益己 yìji (selfish), "khoảngthờigian" 一段時間 yiduànshíjiān' (a period of time), etc., probably long before the introduction of the current and modern romanized V orthography.

VS etyma could change in all shapes and sounds, so to speak. Coloquially, pronunciation of many words would have easily deviated from those contracted sandhi etyma originated from Latin writing systems, for example, 'rác' < 'rácrưới' < 垃圾 lāji (trash), 'đừng' < 甭 péng < 不用 bùyòng (do not), etc. Some SV forms with opposite syntactic order of the syllables in compound words co-exist and are put in use concurrently, such as "bảođảm" vs. "đảmbảo" 擔保 dànbăo ('guarantee), "lươngthiện" 善良 shànliáng vs. "thiệnlương" (kindhearted), "ácđộc" 惡毒 vs. "độcác" (vicious), "mẫuthân" 母親 mǔqīn vs. "thânmẫu" (mother) etc.

In any case, Sinitic impressions left deep marks in the VS vocabulary, much more than one could imagine. All their cognates seemingly point to the same origin where the V to C correspondences make them to appear as they were from the same root while specialists oftentimes consider those in V are C loanwords simply because they are so close. Newcomers in the field should be able to determine shared basic words in both C and V, of which their linguistic peculiarities may shed light on their ancestral roots, e.g., "charuột" 親爹 qīndiè (biological father), "mẹruột" 親母 qīnmǔ (biological mother), etc. Readers will see illustrations of some hard-to-find VS etyma in this paper along with those classic etyma long cited by pioneers in the VS field such as Maspero and Haudricourt in the early days. However, for some of the cited words by the latter two authors, there still existed innumerous irreconcilable issues left regarding their questionable Austroasitic roots that need to be straigthened out before they were plausibly posited in the right linguistic family.

Distribution of fundamental words can spread on a vast region to different linguistic familes, though. For example, it is not only the case of /mat/ (eye) uniformly appear in many Malay and MK languages as opposed to the cognateness of VS 'mắt' (eye) with C 目 mù (SV 'mục'), the etyma VS "máu" (blood) and C 衁 huáng (SV vong) are ones among others. For many of those cognates, eventually theorists in both AA-MK and ST-Yue camps would come to terms reckoning that it is indeed that those basic words actually originated from the same root that not only evolved into V but also spread widely accross multiple linguistic families as well.

For MK numbers found in V, as amusing as it seems to be, novices in the field settled with the idea that each AA MK cognate word in V is a caput and that is the core of the V language. Readers will eventually learn in the end that some basic words, including numbers, are more fundamental than others in different languages. That is to say, those basic words that are used to establish a genetic affiliation with another language in a linguistic family does not mean the same with others. Do not let the enraging AA waves to sweep off your feet. Be reserved to contrast opposite views presented by the AA, that predominate the internet, with counter-examples found in the next chapters. What is incited by new discoveries herein will support a counter view. You appreciate what is being elaborated here with ST historical etymological evidences presented in this paper that will take us all to go beyond the realm of the first five V numbers with MK for numerical cognateness is not necessarily dictate all languages containing them to be genetically affiliated. In fact, you will see that more than 90 percent of V common and fundermental words could be VS etyma. However, you need not to fall for my theorization on VS yet for the time being but at least new data will help you preprare for the defense of your ST stand if you already take one with your belief.

The idea that controversial issues of something V having to do with anything C are always a matter of delicacy is not new as mentioned before on numerous occasions. At all times for a larger majority of V populace, facts regarding certain C influences on their cultural life would be always downplayed and overwritten with depictions undoubtedly dampened by nationalism. To be honest nobody could argue with V militant nationalists, who are ready to fight in a real war physically, not just verbally, because they believe only in what fits into their existing mindset rather than things historical that incline to follow the C route.

Hidden political agenda, as a result, have deadly affected the course of V linguistic development as a result since the remote past. Thanks to current climate in the diplomatic relation between China and VN, political absurdity would once again play a critical role that will VS linguistics in the same PC arena. Let's examine a few cases to see how such factors have influenced academics all along from the ancient time. For example, words of the same nature are not that obvious since they could be of euphemism or taboo such as avoidance of word sounding more like names of kings, for example, "lợi" (利 'gain', name of King Lê Lợi) substituted by "lời" and "lãi". In the contemporary era, after a recommendation made by a politburo member regarding usage for more "purely V" vocabulary, selective syllables, frequency of VS "xelửa" (train) or "máybay" (airplane), or each individual word-syllable in within those two compounds for the same reason, has overtaken that of the forms of SV "hoảxa" or "phicơ", which used to be in common usage in the south before 1975, in modern V. Etymologically it is easy to recognize their obvious cognateness in those specific cases, though. Historically, however, such means of transportation were only introduced to VN by the French colonialists one after another in the early 20th century, so they are not a localized or translated word for such reason. Instead, while both compound words are apparently derived from C 火車 huǒchē and 飛機 fēijī, respectively, and, interestingly enough, they are in turn having Japanese origin.

Why should we care if V is C influential or not? Well, firstly, that is the core of the V language and that is what this paper is all about. Talking about the de facto C factors that influenced the shaping of today's VN is just like describing what the Romans, the Celts, the Anglos, or the Saxons did to England in ancient times (Palmer, 1972. p. 356) (英). We could affirmatively state that C cultural and historical embeds are strikingly as impressive in all intimate facets in the life of the V as in their speech, exquisitely down to earth in every minute detail of unmistakenly peculiar linguistic choices of words. They are hitting home squarely right in discreetly intimate spots that govern cupids' life in fundamentally basic words, vulgarly or not, for instance, most of V words all cognate to those equivalents in C lexicons, etymologically, for straightforward sex talk of reproductive organs including their depictive functions, descriptive actions, and state of organism as well.

Let's quickly nail each C factor under a historical perspective with an analysis for what are in store for C dialects that also applies to V. Firstly, there are seven major C dialectal groups which are considered originated from MC and gave rise to over 900 sub-dialects spoken in China having been known so far (C-C Chang, cited by Moira Yip. 1990. pp. 202, 223) and each is mostly unintelligible to speakers of other dialects throughout their history of development, neither is it to another sub-dialect within its own dialectal group, e.g., Amoy vs. Hainanese or Tchiewchow in the same Minnan linguistic sub-family. They are related to each other only in a historical sense, so to speak.

In the meanwhile, while they consider themselves as the "Yueht people" (粵) and their languages collectively as "the Yuehtwa" (粵話), only the Cant.-speakers also like to call themselves "the Tang people" (唐人 /t'ong2jaijn2/), of which the latter statement suggests that their ancestors were descendants of the Tang-predominated subjects (Y)) who might have moved in en masse into today's Guandong region and further mixed with ancient natives (given the weight of X2Y3Z4H (交)) prior to the 10th century. Their amassed Middle-Chinese (MC) sub-dialects that were fully formed out of a Tang Dynasty speech on top of whatever had evolved from the Yue root regardless of the Han influence by then are known collectively as "the Tang language" (唐話 /t'ong2wah4/) with today's Guangzhou dialect being picked as representative since the early days.

For the same period, as subjects of the Tang Empire until the 10th century (Lü Shih-P'eng 呂士朋. 1964.), the ancient Annamese acquired MC the way that the ancient Cant. speakers did. The massive MC vocabulary had become the SV words over time and mixed with the priorly existing VS lexical stock since the Han-era. Altogether both sets of sinitized vocabularies made up the core of the V language long before Annam became a sovereignty. There is no coincidence that SV is just another side of the same MC dice, with the five other facets that could be seen as a variant form similar to Cant. sub-dialects, such as 台山 Táishan, 白話 Báihuà, 平話 Pínghuà, etc. That said, SV deeply shares MC with common linguistic features that also had concurrently made Cant. a sub-dialect out of the same Tang's dialects or languages. However, from the time the Tang Dynasty totally collapsed in 907 AD with the Annamese land's complete break-off from the Middle Kingdom's protectorate umbrella, the ancient Annamese language followed its own separate path that veered off the way that Cant. developed into a major C dialect for the reason that its speakers still lived inside the Middle Kingdom and bore tremendous influences that .

For over the next 1100 years or so after 907 AD, the Middle Kingdom changed hands with mostly northern kings who ruled and adopted their own spoken northern dialect as the official language for the mandarins in the imperial court and that lasts until the modern time (as of 2015, under the Xi Jinpin's rule, all TV broadcasts are in Putonghuo, other dialects prohibited). As a result, the Cant. development became a local speech that was limited within a village or a township. As a result, except for the new young generations who go schools and learn the national language, the older and lesser educated "Cantonese" generation would still probably be having difficulties in imitating those M phonemes correctly because marginally phonetic crossover between what is now known as C dialects of which each interferes with positional pronunciation, for example, the two major dialects of northern M and southern Cant., especially those sound with intials shown in pinyin as z-, zh-, ch-, c-, q-, j-, etc. With no exception, speakers of V would run into the same phonemic problem with variants in C phonology. So there is no surprise that those C morphs show up and become different phonemes in V phonology in return, e.g., V b vs. M p and b, etc., in the V language. Such fact is manifested by modern modification and overcorrection made by those of today's V learners of Putonghua. In a similar development, speakers of a southern Yue-origin language such as Annamese or other C variant sub-dialects of a major dialect often encounter similar difficulties in articulating properly Mandarin (M), aka, the national standard Putonghua, especially with particular initials, phonetically.

In a very similar fashion as such,

On the formation of the VS words, its diachronic C loanwords can also be 'mispelled' and mispronounced within the realm of V neighboring allophones, for instance, some of those equivalent obstruents in their language appear as historical d, t, th, g, k, etc., a series of historical events that occurred in the ancient Annamese land under the Han rule appears to be on par with what happened do those Minnan (Fukienese) sub-dialects such as Fuzhou, Amoy, Hainanese, etc. The process of AC and OC fusion with those dialects is parallel to what both OC had contributed to all other major AC dialects of the Western Han period as spoken by the people in the 3 kingdoms Wei, Shu, Wu (220–280) by the end of the Eastern Han era (25-220AD). In all probabilities, the ancestral Yue languages that had made up the proto-LuoYue (proto-Vietic) and proto-MinYue (proto-Minnan) languages must have contribute to the formation of the AC and OC.

Up to Annam's separation from the Tang Empire 907 and subsequently the NanHan State in 939, the young Annamese State had went through a series of historical events that were similar to what occurred to the ancient region of modern Guangdong Province after the NamViet Kingdom was annexed into the Han Empire in 111 BC. Their early Yue languages were under heavy influence of OC and AC spoken by the Han colonialists. In effect the ancient Vietic and proto-Cant. languages had long submerged and continued to in the sinicized process before and after that period, the very same way as what happened to the Fukienese dialects. After Annam became a sovereignty after more than 1000 years under the rule of Middle Kingdom, the Canton region still remained within the phere of it for the next 1180 years, which made ancient Cant to have develop in its own way as a sinitized language much more like a descendant of the MC language. In the meanwhile, the independent Annam State completed her expansion further to the south by the early 18th century while having tried successfully to keep the traditional Chinese invaders at bay in the north. It had been only by then that the Chamic and MK elements that had penetrated into the earlier V language would become part of it which are widely known in the AA theory as od AA MK basic words.

That is to say, the history of VN from the ancient times was a part of the Middle Kingdom, which made the Sinitic-Yue core matter of historical V to have long existed before the Chamic and MK linguistic contacts. Their anthropological connections were dated at least way back at least 2300 years when the Qin State conquered entire CS. Literarily, it is no wonder that nowadays readers need a lot of help in comprehending 18th and older V literature since V started to change a lot, having gradually distanced itself with classic C and modified with French grammatical mechanisms of which linguistic structure provided modern V with new syntactic and semantic forms. In fact, for those V generations born in the mid-20th century, they know a lot of C classics from "Warring States of the Zhu Dynasty" to "Romance of the Three Kingdoms", not to mention their poets' mastery of Tang's metrical poetic rhyming rules, more than their Chinese counterparts. For those younger V of the contemporary era, they like more of TV series of remade C classics instead but that still shows common interests in history and anthropology in particular.

In terms of linguistic vintages of the formation of SV adopted from MC, in a similar fashion like what Latin and Greek impacted onto in many other languages of the Indo-European (IE) linguistic family such as English or French -- yet greatly in contrast with Latin's being as scholarly and classy as ancient C Wenyanwen (文言文) -- , but the semantic and phonological aspects of the former two at a much more closely than those the latter. The essence of MC are mostly still alive and active in high frequency of usage in a manner that is so much more vigorously than expected. With some minor exceptions, modern sounds of each SV word have actually been well-preserved, funelled, and molded by strict sound change rules within an academic framework. In fact, SV pronunciation of C characters follows strictly C Fanqie 反切 (spelling) rules (S), including the categorized 4 of two-registered tone as specified in both syllabic parts, e.g.,

In other words, in SV, they are such pronounced as such because they were spelled out that way in C Fanqie.

It is noted that, interestingly, like its Cant. counterpart, scholarly SV vocabularies in V were not just limited to academics and literary work but also popular in colloquial speech as well, positively indispensable in daily conversation of the common mass Such a phenomenon could have an end result of emersion in some form of impeccable oral communication in some Tang's speech that became contagious to the general public in Giaochi prefecture, which led to the coinage of new concepts with both SV and derived VS elements, for example,

Etymologically, in a long and complex sentence one could possibly manage to make a complete V sentence with minimal SV words of original MC rootsby interpretatng or translating word by word and then re-arranging them per V speakers' habit, syntactically, from SV into VS of each word-concept, e.g., 'máybaylênthẳng' (helicopter) instead of 'phicơtrựcthăng' @# (associating each word in reverse order) <= 直升飛機 zhíshēngfēijī. The longer it is the less frequent a C element, e.g, of either SV or VS class, would appear. Note that for the late grammatical features adapted from the French language since 1868, a long, complex but coherent speech segment has now solidly taken roots in the V language. Besides, thanks to contemporary development recently under new grammatical structural imitations, firstly, from French and then English as of present, they have become de facto writing mechanics for building V sentences and paragraphs, such as complete sentence of { S + V + O } struture or "topic sentence", etc.

If passages of modern V writings based on the standard "Tuổitrẻ' dailies published in VN in the present day to be compared with those excerpts from those "Namphong" magazines written in newly adopted Latin orthorgraphy of the early days in the 1930s, readers will see what a big difference in both styles and grammar of the V language being in use. Even after 20 years of separation to have become the North and South VNs, vocabuaries used in the north tended to be more Sinitic-centric, i.e., more SV words, than what was being in use in the South. In contrast, as we all are entering the hi-tech era of the global internet, both spoken and literary SV forms are being spead quicker, though, in a much more uniform and consistent fashion than they were used to. What a great leap and bounce unimaginable to any great mind of the bygone era, in which horse tail and feather brushes were made available only to certain socially privileged circles that actually could afford them.

However, the SV lexical class is indispensable in the V language. Its usage exists in both speech and writing naturally in V to a degree that nobody could speak the language properly without utilizing the SV vocabulary set, scholarly or not, not to mention essential functional grammatical words (hưtự 虛辭) that were virtually derived from C. Phonologically, for cases that are fluctuating in articulation, lexemic nuclei tucked underneath almost every correspondent SV kernel would implicate its usage in the V spoken language by certain sound change rules, e.g., 'tràng' for 'trường' for 長 cháng, 'đàng' for 'đường' 唐 táng, 'đảm' for 'đởm' 擔 dàn, 'đàn' for 'đờn' 彈 tán, etc.

Virtually, if not all, entire V grammatical functional markers -- including particles and adverbs, prepositions and conjunctions, pronouns in relative clauses, along with its classifiers as well as "articles", etc. (We will see some example later.) -- called 虛詞 xūcí (SV hưtự), the actual links that connect words together coherently, are proven being derived from C. This is one among other strong cases that the author mentioned previously regarding the matter that cognates might occur cross languages (like AA-MK cognates) but 'peculiarities' happen only among the affliated languages of V and C, which determines if they are derived from the same roots.

Specifically, in this 'peculiar' case of 'xuci' should one avoid using one or more of that grammatical word in a sentence or even a clause or phrase, basically a V speech structure would then become a composite C classical-styled 'phrase' then (in a narrow sense, that is incomplete sentences in today's syntactic standards, such that some of them could evolve into common expressions later which usually appear in idiomatic phrases to the effects of 文言文 Wényánwén or literary classical style (文) where a complete sentence is 'composed' and C 'word' changes 'cases' in a grammatical order of composite structure, i.e., combining isolate words together, so to speak.

In V, the only exceptions for not to use a 'xuci' are deemed as those shortest V exclamational sentences which are mainly composed of one or two words, yet, one could probably only build them with words mostly of C origin, for example,

To go more in detail of what is described as a feature of "peculiarities", some other linguistic aspects in both C and V are also found common in a way such that their similarities could only characteristically of the same origin, for example, 'mắt' 目 M mù ('eye'), Hai. /mat7/, which marks it not of Malay origin then (Hai. is a sub-dialect of the Min dialect which descended from ancient MinYue languages,) so are other SV versions of the MC literary forms that coexist with VS derivatives of anoother C dialect, persistently all the times, e.g.

that is, they are not coincidental at all.

Note that in the examples above they are VS words that are still regarded as different from those correspondences in the SV vocabulary set but each complements the others. They are identified to belong to the older lexical layer of AC (OC) of an earlier period or, coloquially, of dialectal variants which vary a great deal as one moves away from a regional speech. Some VS words are standard with its "metropolitan" version representative of an isogloss, usually the "lightest" accented version of it, given that they are commonly spoken by educated people living in big cities. For example, for 看 kàn (look) in scholarly SV 'khán' /k'an5/, the "metropolitan" V Kinh people say "coi" /kɔj1/ (VS) vs. rural central V Quangnam sub-dialect /kə1/, and of course, all is relative, on the other side of scale, the Shanghainese say /k'ə25/, anyway.

Both classes, i.e., VS vs. SV, are actually products of the same historical linguistic development reflecting characteristics of either a certain particular era as dynasty changes or of regions where they were spoken. The process is similar to what occurred to the MinYue languages and the Yue (Cant.) sub-dialects, historically, with the former having been derived from the OC of Han Dynasty while the latter haing beenheavily influenced by popular speech of the Tang Dynasty continuously, all having been brought in by late immigrants from other northern regions, though. However, unlike those two Yue dialects that had almost totally been replaced or 'sinicized' as of now, ancient V emerged as an independent Yue language that laegely consists each set of VS and SV vocabularies as sole major C strains, but not sinicized to the point that it could be seen as a C dialect. For instance, most of V words are built with the syntax [noun + adjective], or the modified followed by a modifier, such as 'trờixanh' vs. '蒼天 cāngtiān (SV thươngthiên)' for the concept of 'blue' + 'sky (heaven)'.

Characteristically, it is for the same reason that C elements had permanently and prominently imprinted in every aspect of V so profoundly that each etymon, with their cognates shown close to each other apparently, they are oftentimes dismissed as a whole as a C loanword. The point to make here is that many etyma are of the same origin, not just from Chinese. In fact, when a V word closely carries all the shapes and sounds of an original form in a related C dialectal source so close morphemically, it is commonly for people to take it as a V word of C origin rather than both V and C form to have evolved from the same root, including those that belong to the basic group, for example, Hainanese /mat7/ 目 M mù ('eye') SV 'mục' vs. VS 'mắt', Cant. /t'aj5/ 睇 M dì vs. VS 'thấy' ('see'), etc. However, it is not always the case by solely basing on their subtle phonetic and phonological closeness for us to postulate a V word as a C loanword. The most obvious cases are those words so native to southern region, e.g., gạo 稻 dào (rice), dừa 椰 yě (coconut), đường 糖 táng (sugar), sông 江 jiāng (river), etc. Of course they are absolutely could not be C loanwords at all but from the same roots and the other way around is also true.

In a way the development of VN's national language parallels with the history of those earlier Viets who fled crushing advances from their powerful invaders from the north, giving up ancestral land up north and running to the south carrying a nation and her soul with them and exiled in other people's land. After her independence, starting from the 10th century onward they had become horrific aggressors themselves, ironically, having wiped off the Champa Kingdom from the 18th centuried Southeast Asia map completely and annexed all of its southern occupied territories. Like many other ethnic groups such as the Champic people, the Muong and the MK become a minority in VN at a much later period.

As they marched to the south, the Viets also carried with them their 'mother tongue'. They were the ancient Yue who had been increasingly becoming as genetically formulated as (4Y6Z8H+CMK), added with touches of some 'local flavors'. The linguistically 'local' concept is what was described by Bloomfileld (1933, p. 51) as dialectal area where a dialectal difference is small and the differences accumulate only when one travels in one direction. We could draw lines between places called isoglosses. Bloomfield called such a larger area as dialectal geography that furnishes a key to tackle some unknown issues -- for example, why MK numbers from 1 to 5 appear similar to those of V -- as they have been gradually being solved in many cases of Indo-European languages so far.

Throughout the 2-millenium long period, V appears to have picked up some local linguistic items along the way toward the south, which explains the existence of Chamic and MK words in the V language, for instance, "mô", "tê", "ri", "rứa", "chừ", etc., in V Hue dialect, as postulated by other academics as of Chamic origin. How is it to compare V sub-dialects to those Sinitic dialects accross VN's northern border in terms of 'local flavor'? (Think of Egglish vs. German in order to grasp the idea next.) Amusingly enough, on the scale of from the "lightest" to "heaviest" glides that tonal phonemes register an accented pike, the V northern pitches sound to V southerners' ears are somewhat amounted to what Cant. or Fukienese listeners hear natives of Beijing speaking Mandarin (a northern dialect version of 'Beijinghua'), which is the 'lightest' version, phomemically and phonologically, of a syllabically and tonally simplified 'language' as compared to those Mandarin original southwestern sub-dialects spoken by the Han C in Chengdu (Sichuan), Liuzhou (Guangxi), or Yueyang (Hunan) in CS. In other words, within the same dialect but to some degree, the northerneastern Mandarin sub-dialects are quite distinctive from their mirrored southwesthern variations spoken in the provinces of Sichuan, Jiangxi, Hunan, or Guangxi, that show 'heavy' southern accent.

The entire scenario of V dialects is quite different from the unintelligibility within sub-dialects of Cant. or Amoy, that is, Guangzhouhua to Toishanese, or, Fukienese to Hainanese, etc., but more like regional variants within a sub-diaclect, e.g., Haikou vs. Wenchang in Hainanese or Toishan vs. Guangzhou in Cant., etc.

In the case of VN's dialects, unlike scores of those sub-dialects of a major C dialect with each individually unintelligible to the other even within the same dialect aforementioned, in contrast, any regional V speech in general can be understood throughout the country. That is the direct result of movement of migrants going from north to south covering the length of roughly 2200 kilometers over the span of 2200 years, and should they be distributed evenly -- the time-space distrutive dramatized herein is for mnemonic reason -- one kilometer traverse per year. Analytically, with its gradual linguistic variation from one locality to the next one, and, reversely, to the previous one, each 'transitional sub-dialect' could be understood by people in other places, not just those within their vicinity. Their differences from with registered pitches either softened and laxed ("lightness") a bit in the north or the south but heavier concaved accents ("heaviness") in the central part.


Proto-Sino-Tibetan (pre-Chinese)

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All of the above, linguistic as well as racial factors, appears to have played their historical role in shaping the formation of V with ancient C residual vintages that are expected by linguists under the perspective that VN as always regarded by C rulers at all times that it was breakaway renegade prefecture previously. Taiwan is a living case in our time, so to speak. Recognition of such geo-political tugs and twists as already discussed is crucial to understand the affiliation of both V and C entities with all probabilities that there exists continuation that interconnects the present V with C anthropologically. Except for the only entities left unknown have been those tribal people associated with the subjects of the Shu State (屬國) who were neither of the ST (ancestors of prto-C) nor of the Yue, the earliest stage that it is known that both groups of people originated from different types of people whence those proto-C horsemen conquered the local Taic people. Those pre-C would later become intermingled with the Yue aborigines, aka Nanman 南蠻, some 3000 years B.C. (cf. the relation of the VN's Kinh majority with other minorities such as Muong, Tay ethnic groups in VN for the last 1500 years). Miixture of all habitants of the ancient mainland of China would later become subjects of other powerful emerging states in the Eastern Zhou period scattering all over pre-Han's territories. The ancient China could have been called Chu Empire of the Yue instead of Han Empire for the subjects of the latter also come out of the mixture with the Yue racial stock, of course. Therefore, again, 'Chinese' is a civlization, not a race and everything now appears to be that the differences are in the names.

For the better or worse the V have inherited the C culture after 1000 years under China's rule and they are eagerly to continue pass down, one generation after another, with no question asked, the feudalistic values such as observance of the hierarchical line that calls for absolute obedience of their rulers and then their teachers, aka, scholars (君師父). That is where our debating messiness has originated from. Interestingly enough, by any standards, however demeaning such common C legacy is, our nationalists doubtless still accept and value their traditional legacy, or Confucianism, to be exact. In effect, for a practical reason they would never question its spiritual values in respective family genealogy. Such a mindset could be explained by way of anthropology that their brains have been genetically programmed as such. Evidences of that manifest in their preference of more male descendants so that their heirs do not fail to carry down a family surname. It is one of major C culture characteristics. That said, in a lager view of collective unconsciousness of the V people as a whole their family lineage then could be traced back to native ancestors not only in regions of northernmost VN and China South but also in those places of the old northeast -- as opposted to that of the northwestern Shaanxi 陜西 -- China, where today's province of Shandong 山東 is located, land of ancient Lu State (魯國), the birthplace of Confucius, where, to their belief, the BaiYue 百越 were once inhabiting there.

Altogether they all -- racial factions that made up China also made up early VN after the colapse of the Tang's Dynasty in 907 AD -- in turn had been racial components that prominently made up the later Viets, including those non-Han factors of earlier historical periods such as the NanYue, the Chu, the Qin, etc., had reflected not only in different family surnames of most V nationals but also, except for a few cases of name changes due to identity hideouts or being regarded as a taboo, setting in the tones for V personal proper names. Semantically "textures" of those given names sound 'light', very similar to those bearing C names in the Tang's era, such as 'Lý Thế-Dân' 李世民 or Dương Ngọc-Hoàn 楊玉環 -- as apposed to 'rough Chinese names' which sound foreign to the V ears, such as 'Hồ Cẩm-Đào' 胡錦濤 or 'Tập Cận-Bình' 習近平.

Transformation of cultural tradition like that of adopting C names and the like had deeper roots in the development history of the old Annam Descendants of those northern resettlers from mainland of China to the eastern region of today's North VN continued on with their own children who carried C last names. Those are actually only of a subset of an even larger ancestral pool from the melting pot Yue-Han, i.e., Chu-Han 楚漢, in China South, part of which was included in the tally of population statistics under the Great Tang Empire totaled nearly 42 million people in 726 AD (Bo Yang. 1983-1993. Ibid. Vol. 51. 1991. p. 86). WIth regards to the latter matter, in 763 AD, unimaginably, however, the overall population had greatly decreased to 17 million after only a little more than 12 year war fighting against An Lu Shan (安祿山) Rebellion (Bo Yang. 1983-1993. Ibid. Vol. 53. 1991. p.214). That is not impossible as one carefully read Chinese history, thousands of people died easily after each major battle in any Chinese civil wars.

For the same matter, there had been no reports of changes in the Tang's population in its Annam protectorate's portion. Not that the number of the Annamese population in the ancient times that started growing from the Han's Jiaozhou 交州 (Annam) prefecture was recorded at a total 900,000 heads in the beginning of the first century. After 1000 years later additional Annamese residents might have been descents from those children who were fathered by thousands of C infantry who stationed there and immigrants who chose to resettle there permanently having married local wives during 1000 year-long colonial period. The whole picture is easily seen by comparing the growth of the population with approximately more than 50,000 'Eurasian Vietnamese' who were fathered by those American soldiers who had been sent across around half of the globe on their two-year mission to the country in South VN to fight the VN War within the short 10 year period of 1965-1975 out of its population of about 22 million by that time, a ratio of roughly 1/55.

Analogously, the same process is being currently taking place in Singapore and Taiwan -- in terms of racial ratio -- of which their standing is where VN stood more than 1000 years ago. The difference in the time frame as of our modern era with advancement in communication such as that of the internet means that there will be not much noticeable changes in the modern Mandarin language they are speaking now down the road. In other words, what happened to VN must have been more complicated than that, starting 2200 years ago.

Beside those historical illustrations cited throughout in this research to be coupled with other apparent C linguistic properties existing in V, anthropologists will still have to deal with much more complex changes and variations in all other cultural aspects with other Sinitic elements aforementioned. For example, they need to investigate many other subtle dialectal peculiarities in order to posit words of kinship, including those used in calling close blood relatives, terms of endearment, and intimacy, etc., and postulate the C kinship and affiliation in the genealogical line that make up the racial balance of the V populace, e.g., 'tía' 爹 diè (daddy) vs. 'ba' 爸 ba (papa) vs. 'bố' 父 fù (father), etc. All of which in no way is any cited AA languages compatible with V as we will see later.

The matter appears to be as simple and straightforward but turns complicated because it is an uneasy topic for those locally-grown V scholars to handle impartially in a professional manner. Believe it or not, many of them had a hard time to digest the idea that 'Chinese' is a civilization and not a 'race', that is, there had been no 'Chinese', at least conceptually, prior to the emergence of a unified Qin Dynasty (秦朝), the first unified empire of all C entities (221 BC to 207 BC). Historically, the V refers to them as 'Tàu' for the SV term 'Tần' which there might have been existed mumerous similar pronunciations the archaic 秦 Qin, a degrading concept having been shared by those old states in the Eastern Zhou period that were later totally eradicated by it.

To sum up, today's V 'composite' popuplace consists mainly of the majority of the Kinh ethnicity, just like that of the Han in relations to other minorities in China. Those other ethnic groups include direct descendants of those Yue forefathers emigrating southward away from China South region along with those aboriginals who partly make up 52 other ethnic groups scattering in most VN's remote mountainous regions, including those in northwestern border areas currently shared by both China and VN. Specifically, the Kinh majority is not racially pure in terms of indigenity like theirs but they are actually of a mixture of all of the above plus the influx of immigrants of all walks of life from the north (4Y6Z8H+CMK), of whom many early aforesaid immigrants had already been of mixed race bearing their own C family surnames, who had been in turn of another blend of 'Hundred Yue' (百越民族) that had been also a part of both the "Chu" and "Han" before the Han conquered NamViet Kingdom in 111 BC. Since then, the early V had been on becoming with mixture of the locals and the continuous on coming pd immigrants and C infantry from the north hundreds of years later until now.

There are many ways to elaborate on mistakes in identifying true biological line of people and their languages, specfially among V and C, which might less likely occur in Japan or Korea. On affiliated C connection, in Indonesia or Malaysia, people of the C ethnic minority are distictive, no matter how many generations have passed by, like in the latter case, the C have risen to approximate 30 percent of the populatioon. In comparison to that of Taiwan as recently as mere 350 years ago in absorbing massive numbers of laborers from mainland China for Dutch plantations in 17th century and foot soldiers and refugees in 1949 after the Kuomingtang was defeated by the communists, the indigenous people have been quiclly absorbed in to the larger C ethnicity. However, the Taiwan's experience with all the events that had occurred in the island nation was in much lesser magnitude as compared to what VN has gone through to accomodate thousands of thousands of them since the time she was still a prefecture of China 1000 prior to and another 1000 years after the 10th century. All those earlier C immigrants actually had become an inseparate and undistinguished part of the V popuplace, including massive the Ming subjects, around 50,000 C refugees lfeeing from the mainland of China after the Manchurian took power over there in the 16th century. Only those recent C immigrants freshly off the boats in less than a century ago, literally, are identified in the contemporary national statistics as "Hoa" (華) ethnicity. In our modern time, on a practical note, descents of the third or fourth generation of the Hoa (華) ethnicity in VN mostly check 'Vietnamese' box in the census survey when asked of their nationality of origin. The author did the same thing for his household member in the last 3 US census survey. His son did check "Vietnamese" on all application to US colleges even though his mother is also of Chinese descent. For instance, beyond the practical purpose of filing the census survey forms, V family surnames identical to most naming covention and connotation, semantically in similar MC phonology and tonality, especially in Tang Dynasty aforementioned in addition to those of the Han commonly with 2 syllables, composed mainly of surname and given name. Physically and visually, a V national could be mistaken for a southern C person and vice versa, which is observable not only in China but in other countries as well.

Racial issues, in fact, underline much more complications than those of linguistic subtleties alone. Perceptionally on the surface anyone can miserably fail to recognize most of the V standing in the crowd among those C youngsters at schools in US cities. For the most parts the are presumed to be of C origin before positively identified otherwise. Personally the author often incorrectly does so on a crowded public gatherings in San Francisco's Chinatown or buses as well as in markets or restaurants in any cities in China. V lone travelers in that country, unlike 'American caucasians' in Europe among other white Europeans, amidst those C locals are unavoidably mistakenly thought as of 'their own kind' who might be assumed from other parts of China. Any V visitor to China might already have such a personal experience. Again, the author, having with a dark complexion and speaking non-native accented Mandarin, can also positively affirm such a fun guesswork game on many occasions on field studies in China. In other words, by a mere look, V and C youngsters who were born and raised the western countries are hard to be distinguished from each other. Readers can personally observe such phenomenon by visiting and watch quality video clips of V music concerts produced by Asia Entertainment Channel (Asia 74, 73, 72...), Vanson in Vietnam, or Paris by Night 110, 109, 108, etc., and among those artists who performed some are of C ethnicity, even though you know the languages, you will hardly be able to make out who are Chinese singers!

Anthropologically, two phenomena could be easily observed on the behaviors by overseas C from VN living abroad, especially in western countries. In big cities in the US, overseas C from VN, firstly -- like the way Koreans hate the Japanese imperialists who occupied their country the past but as in the back of their mind they are more often than not drawn to gather among Japanese settings, for example, they tend to establish their business presence in Japantown instead of Chinanatown -- their shops have been mostly opened it in either Chinatown or Vietnamtown rather than in Japantown or Koreantown. Secondly, they enjoy to mingle with other fellowmen from VN, including overseas V, rather than with those C expats from Taiwan or mainland China. The point raised here is that of the 4 countries that were built on Confucian values, as opposed to capitalism or socialism, their people are still conciously attracted to those who seem to be compatible to each other in term of racial affiliation, so to speak.


Linguistically, sounds of a toneless foreign speech spoken by either a Japanese or Korean are undoubtedly peculiarly distinct even to the untrained ears of a C or V, with an interesting fact, even that both Japan and Korea historically had systematically imported C vocabularies en masse, having purposely borrowed a complete set of common C characters from the long identified past until recently. When hearing a C speak his or her dialect on the other side of the room in a party, for example, a V firstly needs to listen and concentrate, hard, in order to tell if it is not another V sub-dialect, partly because the pitch levels of tonality of their languages sound so familar. Westerners oftentimes mistake Cant. for V. The author's wife, a 'Hainanese-Han' (海南人), spealing some Cant., commented the same thing when she had first heard V.

It is noted that sometimes races and languages of a people may not be related at all. It is observable that people of different races such as those in the countries of Latin America or India, who adopt a complete set of a language, namely, Spanish or English, for the convenience of their unified national communication, comparable to the what happened to the old China from the beginning. In the former case, for some Latinos or Indians, even those with Spanish origin or Indo-Eropeans, they are not completely up to the language they speak, say, there were reports that the earlier Apple's iPhone voice recognition apps tend to recognize easier English spoken by an English speaker of Indian's descent better than a US-born person.

In the case of VN, however, in terms of ethnicity, for the majority Kinh, issues of unresolved mystically genetic affiliation with the historical C-Han mixture have still long been a matter of argumentation. Could the race issue be finalized if scientific DNA maps come out? That may not be the case, though. If we look into the end results of scientific researches of DNA that have been done on the Taiwanese model, there have been always something else involved, a mixed result with human emotion.

It is assumably that those mutationally mixed genes carried inside the blood of V people are solidly compatible with what makes those racial compositions of the 'Han-Chinese' stock of those who are still living within the peripherals of all China's southern provinces of Fujian, Guangdong, Hunan, and Guangxi, which was prior to invasions and long occupation by people of Altaic, Mongolian, or Tartarian origin from the further north, which make up the composition of the northern C in China who have long been migrating further southward. Those Han nationals, as officially listed in a China's census survey, are actually all descendants of sinicized natives (herein perceptionally coded herein as X2Y3Z4H), that is, their genes had been mutated with the same ancestral Yue racial mixture, all having evolved from aborigines living in the habitat of the previous the NamViet Kingdom (南越王國). In any cases at present its highly sinicized populace still can not be mistaken with other 'Han' northerners like those natives from Beijing or Shaanxi.

1200 years after Tibet had been annexed to China, Tibet is still uniquely Tibetan for culturally its and that China are quite different and not many Han people moved and resellted there. On the contrary, Taiwan has much less than 350 years starting having any connection with the mainland of China but the influx of immigrants from Fujian Province whose ancestors had been sinicized starting 2200 years ago have long outnumbered the Taiwan's natives of Austronesian origin. Which one is analogous to the case of VN? Any answer must take into consideration the factor that prior to 939 AD VN had been a prefecture of China for more than one thousand years and Han immigrants have been moving and resttled in that country of the Southern Yue.

For illustrations, read the episode that follows. You may notice that the details described below are to elevate your understanding of cases of V émigrés out of their homeland across the vast Pacific Ocean in our modern time, analogous to stories about journeys over the rugged Lingnan mountainous ranges on foot by those Yue aboriginals out of their native China South land fleeing further to south of VN's Tonkin areas more than 2000 years ago. That was how the nation of VN had come into being after the NamViet Kingdom was annexed into the greater Han territory in 111 BC. Similarly the V language affirmatively tells the same story regardless of what one would wish it could be since there existed only one road leading to the becoming of it, there being no other path otherwise . On the sideline, it would be no longer an issue of how a V nationalist militant, who is a part of the whole picture anyway, is going to digest historical facts presented herein objectively and good enough to win their backing. Before now up until reading this far some readers in the nationalist camp might already jumped bandwagon along the long and rough ST road. You may already see the reason why under a nationalist scope.

Let's take you to a place where mistaken identities frequently occur between a person of V or C origin. I am a regular customer of a thriving V cafe in Chinatown in a US city such as Oakland, California, recognize and have interacted with numerous employees there, eating the V food they cook, and talking to them for quite some time now. For those people working there I know for sure that, except for the cooks, prominently being V, a Mexican helper and an American son-in-law, the store's owner and the rest of employees are half and half ethnically in the sense that they are "Chinese" genetically, yet, having immigrated from VN since 1975. Historically it is known that, for many generations already, they are descendants of China's Ming's citizens fleeing the Qing's suppression and taking refuge in VN in the 17th century, many being C Tchiewchow speakers. In real life they have been heard talking in different C dialects with different local C customers. What actually identifies them with V nowadays is that they are in social intercourse with their V fellow countrymen, talk and behave like any natives of VN, such as idolizing V pop singers, for example. Figuratively all of the above represents a complete picture of ethnological components in V racial and cultural make-ups, hence, their dominant languages.

For those Vietnamese of Chinese origin who could not speak V properly, they are indiscriminately classed as members of the C minority group living within the VN's perimeters. In a general sense, though, they are a portion of the VN's population prior to 1979 before their mass exodus out of the country as boatpeople. Up until now once in a while in some Vietnamese TV sitcoms, they have been mocked by comedians who imitated, innocently, yet shamefully, a V mimicry spoken by those Chinese-Vietnamese. For those who are of the same camp living back there in the backward VN to learn something about the severity of such behavorial display that if such an incident happens in the US, even prominent public figure who does so could fall into eternal disgrace.

In this story, the existing VS words that we speak are living parts of nature just like the food we eat and the air we breathe in such a natural way that we react without even questioning the 'foreign Sinitic' nature of them. Everything comes and goes so naturally and smoothly. Analogously, compared to what we might still remember how we had reacted when we had happened to notice and admired how fluently a young German salesperson in a store somewhere in Germary speaks English, just like a Britain's native. However, don't you realize that we as a civilized society have hardly done so with those V of C descents? It is because we expected them to speak V like a native as parts of the multilingual salespersons in the anecdote of the V cafe above and not admired them for their V native flency. In actuality I observe that the employees switch back and forth with ease from V to other different C dialects, unconsciously and naturally.

In all probabilities, as a customer of that cafe shop you have never questioned the authenticity of the tasty food they cook, presumably V cuisine, some with obviously C-styled items but you eat them like any V dishes anyway. Mostly those C plaes are prepared with the same ingredients and cooking process as are being used in C culinary, with an exception that they are usually being seasoned with sprinkles of fish sauce, though. In all you appreciate their cooking with those tasty dishes you enjoy at the eatery. Isn't it that makes that restaurant stand out in comparison with those made by other C restaurants nearby not doing that good business like our cafe?

You enjoy all those C-seasoned V dishes – or C food with V-accentuated seasonings, e.g., anchovy sauce, lemongrasses, or basils, etc., for that matter – as you do with those of southern-style dishes of Khmer origin, adding up a bit more of sweet and sour taste. All said, metaphorically, the whole picture is comparable to that of how VN has come into being with all the racial and linguistical mixtures from north to south throughout the length of her history. The whole scenario above is depicted with those of a Sinitic background who, themselves or their offsprings, have contributed to the racial composition of the V people as well as their language. In other words, VN is just another cultural sub-domain of a larger Sinitic domain in which we all already getting used to be called by somebody with the surname and given name undeniably all having C origin and we naturally respond, which has become a part of our nature, cultural and linguistic heritage.

Let's peek into our social circles and we would see that many of our acquaintances in our close V social network happen also to be of C origin, that is how many C immigrants have become V nationals in the process. That is a fact of life for many of us, if not all of us. We do have friends of C origin, absolutely having no discriminative or hard feelings about them, and even some among them they are us ourselves. Many of us have come out of such family background and become a national of VN as a result. (See APPENDIX L)

On forming of the national identity, as a society as a whole we have no control over what has become of history of one's country, just like our own nativity, yet prejudice could muddy our personal perception of our surroundings. We, in our contemporary era, including also those who have gone exile, all were born, have grown up, lived, socialized, associated with C substantiality in V cultural values that had taken deep roots in the V society after more than two millenia. Imagine we were back in time more than 1000 to 2200 years ago when portions of ancestral Viets were starting to move out of the China South to its southern geographical planks long after and independent of previously earlier migratory movements toward the Southeast Asian rims which made up large portions of the later grouped AA. In a foreign land the early Viets kept moving southward accross 16th parallel into the newly acquired territories from the Kingdom of Champa in the 12th century and resettled there thereafter.

Along the way we have often come accross many of our own kind – including those in exile, like in the case of the V cafe as dramatized above – with whom we usually communicate in V and have never discerned slight Sinitic elements in everything interactive around us that we have been so accustomed to, notably the V language as a common bond for socialization. There is no reason for us to shed doubts about those we know and the authenticity of the mother tongue that they speak and our vocables we utter without the realization that those VS words have blended well like mixture of air and water, naturally.

The anecdote above and the inclusion of Taiwan into the whole picture for illustration as we are discusssing here – by any measure, it even has experienced less with China than what VN had gone through, not to mention all other prehistoric contacts from the ancient times throughout those periods recorded in history as applicable to both locales – are intentionally prepared and tailored discreetly for both of those historically-conscious V diaspora and fellow citizens back home who, normally viewed as hard-cored nationalists, have been grown weary and would stubbornly refuse to buy any Sinitic proposals.

For V nationalists patiotism is not an abstract idea. To see how intense is the magnitude of nationalism inside V citizens, one can visualize with concrete flames of pariotic acts with those of Tibetans in the contemporary setting.s The V have many a time gone through long struggles one after another against imperial China similar to the ones that are currently carried on by Tibetans who completely lost their independent state into the hands of the Qing's emperors. Their own acts of patriotism could be seen through the month of May, 2014 that witnessed all demonstrations and riots against China for what they see as an act of aggression when it moved the oil-rig into the Spratly islands. At all price those nationalists cannot compromise their spirit as nationalism for what they see as compromise of national sovereignty with acceptance of other C cultural elements, which should be treated as neutral, though. In fact they are core elements of the V social norms that most V from birth have been conditioned with, namely, rigidly intrinsic Confucian values. The hot-blooded V patriots are determined to be united on every front to fight against any encroachment initiated by China from the north, e.g., its recent delimitation of international borders in land and at seas with China's claims virtually of the entire South China Sea.

For the V people as a whole, thanks to their mistrust of China's past and present, they feel strongly sentimental on nationalistic issues. In other words, they are sensitive and quick to respond unfavorably to any national argumentation that said of C origin, either linguistically or anthropologically, which partly helps explain why the V academics do not go with the Sinitic scheme as already discussed in the chapter on politics with China. On such divide issues those scholars inside the country are of the type that is not easy to submit themselves to any authority that appears to be an expert on any Sinitic topic which would disaccord with their firm nationalist conviction. In this case they have become ignorant of history, which is to blame for their being afraid of their own nationalist belief to be uprooted by those possessing much more knowledge than theirs, viewed as real threats. Believe it or not, that is the stupid nature of the V intelligentsia on the ugly side. Generally speaking, they would never admit so and tend to refrain from acknowledging any author who has made some breakthoughs and is still alive, for example, contemporary history on the Vietnam War written by western historians as opposed to those by native V proves this viewpoint.

For academic purposes, no matter what, nationalistic or not, this paper is going to deal specifically with those undeniable Sinitic elements existing in the V speech and make them available for all the academic world to see. The author will approach the true Sinitic subject matter and pin down on some plausible aspects of it, linguistically, with no prejudice attitude against any C entities, attempting to treat those related matters in their whole totality anthropologically with plain and simple truth out of human second nature, intuitively, so to speak, towards the world around us regardless of how discriminatory a well learned V might become disoriented due to obvious layers of C substrates on top of what is left of the locals.

The code of conduct for the foregoing statement is based on core substance of a V proverb that loosely means 'let's better offend first then please each other later' ("Mấtlòng trước đượclòng sau") and that of C for 'we would have not recognized each other if we did not fight' ("不打不相識"). On the one hand I shall make enemies anyway among those who would read my paper and not accepted my theorization simply because they do not want to believe in history. It is no point for me to waste time beating around the bushes with those nationalists. In the past, as some among us might notice, I have virtually responded to nobody, namely, those critics against myself personally which have appeared on the internet in recent years.

As much as how they feel, the author also resents China's indoctrination of its people and its policy of expansionism handed down by its imperial rulers who have been bullying the little VN all along her one thousand years of colonial period until these days. Yet linguistics is linguistics. For the past 25 years I have made numerous fieldtrips to China to do dialectal surveys, but I have stopped doing for the time being on seeing China's hegemony has been increasingly griping firmly VN and she appears to succumb at any time to the under her current rulers as its timid puppets. They, like those V submissive little kings of the decadent feudalist state, have to rely on those C rulers to exist -- they share the socialist system that in the world they are considered the enangered species along with that of North Korea and Cuba. That is the reason why. They will lose their seats if they take side with the democratic side, in this case the western countries such as the US and Great Britain.

As the organs of the regime the V academics have always been behaving exactly the same way working to that effect. Unlike us scholars in free western sphere, it is difficult for them to appreciate what it means to be free of politics in scholarship no matter what. Politics would eventually nullify the authenticity of any academic work

For certain well-founded reasons, firstly, I am also purposely writing this paper in English to seek understanding from learned readers on the V language, a bold venture in an uncleared land-mined field the author has been anxiously tiptoeing wishing for the best. I will fight and work to defend my belief. I already know the fate of all my efforts taking the ST path, for which the V linguistic circle would deplore revelation about the hereditary affiliation between the V and C languages but that prospect would not deter the author's determination to forge forward with an altruist heart. If any recognition is to be conferred upon the author's work at all, that would likely happen only long after his death.

Additionally, my other purpose of having written this paper in English is for the sake of keeping certain people at bay, that is, not to let them to be fully engaged until somebody is crazy enough to translate this paper into V. At least for the time being I still do not want to hear dirty words from some fellow countrymen of lower, to be exact, uneducated classes. Their behavior is a product of socialism in modern VN which I believe that will mot change any time soon in my lifetime.

Surprisingly, however, the irony is that my true understanding allies, unexpectedly, happen to be those western specialists in the AA camp who are having an open mind and enough patience to hear what I have to say on subject matter of ST linguistic affiliation of the V language. Until now, nevertheless, those listeners are still not convinced enough with my Sinitic hypothesis probably for a couple of reasons that I could think of, namely, (1) my reconstruction of ancient phonology may appear to be faulty, such as corespondences of multiple sound values assigned to have evolved a root without any further backup, for instance, (2) western linguists are still being so rigid in adjusting their western methodology to make their sound change rules work for tonal languages, or simply, (3) I just do not know how to package and sell my ideas.

To be on the safe side for the statement above, though, this discussion, to a lesser extent, actually is neither intended to draw a direct line of genetic linguistic affinity between V and C dialects, nor any of those of Tibetan languages for that matter, but only to show possibilities of their "linked kinship", or, metaphorically, "long lost relatives" either one of ST languages, as we either draw a straight line or family-tree branches connecting a ST language to V for their Sinitic roots of many linguistic commonalities. For example, with their intimate share in terms of endearment, the implications are not only for semantic conveyance, but also in all other linguistic traits such as tonality and conceptual connotation. Say, for the concepts of 'mater, maternal, mother, blood mother, step-mother', or 'mom', the V language has 'mẹ, mợ, má, u, nạ, mẹruột, mẹghẻ', etc. which are in paralellel with '母 mǔ, 媽 mà, 姆 mǔ, 娘兒 niár, 母親 mǔqīn, 親母 qīnmǔ, 繼母 jīmǔ', etc.

Overall, lexically, at first count, more than 420 fundamental items from a variety of ST etymologies as listed by Shafer have been selected. They are coins for our thoughts (See Sino-Tibetan etyma). What makes them so close and how come nobody seems to notice them in the first place? Even though the cognateness among the V and any of the listed ST etymologies is so obvious to any journeyman in this VS field of historical linguistics; nevertheless, it is needless to say the task of proving the genetic relationship between the two languages is still tantamount, that is awaiting another figure as big as Shafer to work on such colossal work.

This paper in a sense is original and the new finds of VS etyma would elevate you to the new cognition of their study. To save your sanity while reading this paper, try not to let personal sentiment cloud your judgment. For those readers who are so sensitive to anything C, this paper may not suit their taste for what they are about to read is mostly about VS etyma of C origin beside those ST etymologies. Their show of latent antagonism against any sino-centric interpretation is likely to be exhumed as long as each and every generation still faces real threats of invasion from the north. So it has never been a good idea to renew argumentation, even in scholarly terms, on any controversial issue such as re-classification of the V language into the ST linguistic family.

The simmering sentiment could further boil up steam of "nationalism", or to be exact, "anti-Siniticism", historically, which had been hysterical and phenomenal. Such emotional suppression could erupt into ugly destructive force capable of spoiling a new generation of school of thoughts on Sinitic theorization. For example, newcomers would rather choose to twist their career path out of such rugged road, consciously or not, rather than taking risks of being alienated from an unpopular field of studies.

In additon to such unavoidable unpleasantness, it is expected that the same reactions from the old MK conservatives of the western linguistic world all will inevitably launch even more assaults, which could lead to blunt rejection of acceptance of the novelty of the author's elaborative efforts in addressing those existing C and V etymological issues.

The author certainly does not want to see all that promising approach turns sour due to negative aspects of the matter whether it is nationalistic or not. What he is really seeking is measurable recognition in the linguistic world on the undeniable association with the ST etymologies as to be enumerated in the next chapter. The focal point is Sinitic attributes reinforced with preliminary ST evidences discussed in this paper, either directly or indirectly, e.g., 秦 Qín for 'Tầu', 水 shuǐ for both 'nước' (water) and 'sông' (river), etc., in addition to those conservatively preserved scarce resources currently available at our disposal so far from traditional approaches made by those Sinitic oldtimers, e.g. 漢 for 'hắn' (that guy), 江 jiāng for 'sông' (river), etc.

On the other front, until now as it has been presented to us, the whole picture of the core matter from the start in the V historical linguistics, literally, is only repetitions that echo one version of another AA theory passed down from one linguist following another, just like a chained re-post of a re-post of the same old material on the internet and in the end searching hits on such informational recurrences will make serious readers to re-adjust their thinking, becoming other victims of brainwash from the AA camp. To counter such negative effect, we, of the ST camp, will stage the same strategy. Metaphorically, our complementary task here is like that of the restoration work to retouch those faded spots on an old painting again and again until viewers see what the painting was meant to be.

Presence of our stand on the internet is important. As long as we persistently hold on to our own spots in the cyberspce, literally, every time old and new readers go searching the VS related subject on the WWW they will have choices other than those old views of the AA camp. We are not playing games here but building hyperlinked indices one at a time to link readers electronically to our specific Sinitic theorization. Additionally this paper also launching pieces of VS etyma here and there in the cyberspace for the same purpose.

Academically, steering this research towards that ST predetermined direction undoubtedly would burn the midnight oil. It would not necessarily give a satisfactory answer, though, in a well-defined manner significant enough to build a strong case to uproot the belief in the western AA hypothesis. It, in fact, has the advantage of possessing analytic tools over our cognitive approach on ST that is rather weak, comparatively.

By the norm, based on possible rate of change when plausibility for a new theorization is to successfully become materialized from an opposite viewpoint, it usually takes longer than another cycle of 60 years or so to shift an old consensus set by veterans in the field to another direction. By then they and I will have been all dead like those in the ST camp as well as all of the AA pioneers.

The cycle of 60 years has marked its time for some time now so the new ST circle should take off. We have just got new finds that boost up energy while the other AA resources still remain repetitive and duplicative sources one following after another. Therefore, possibility of a resurrection of the ST theory once again could then be revived and nourished by newcomers in historical linguistics whose untainted brains might be impartial and less bland. The next ST theorists would warm routine receptions from those oldtimers.

While this revised Sinitic theorization has caught some attention and received some feedbacks since several dafts of the first versions of this paper appeared on the internet a decade ago, the author would be glad that, in his lifetime, both the AA and ST camps will finally acknowlege his findings as meaningful. For such humble wish, they are open up to accept further refinement. We together would demystify those puzzling affiliation and entanglement with regard to theory of the "linked kinship" between V and C etyma on the premise that both of them, like their racial components, had evolved from the Yue base.

B) Prelude on the Sinitic etyma

The meaning of prelude is, well, prelude, not of something substance, yet enough for readers to grasp a sense of what to expect next.

The objective of this section is to acquaint you with major Sinitic elements in the V language as well as to answer some questions of why and how V and C coloquial expressions in some dialects are interchangeable in the absence of proactive intervention from knowledgeable hands, e.g., 'bànchân' 腳板 jiăobăn (foot) or 'ănmày' 要飯 yàofàn (beggar), 'đitiền' 隨錢 suìqián (give the money gift), including those scholarly SV items in coloquial V, reversely, e.g., 'sưtửHàđông' 河東獅子 Hédōngshīzǐ (a mean wife like a Hadong's lion) or 'máuđàonướclã' 血農於水 xuěnóngyúshuǐ (kinship is thick like blood vs. water). Also, the author will examine those underscored linguistic traits where the contemporary V speech carries most of the peculiarities that are common in different C dialects.

Description below will further discuss main influential factors that have shaped the course of the development of VN in terms of her people and their speech as sketched in perivious sections. It is a part of stategies that use propaganda as a tool to re-instate what has been proposed to counter the damages having done by the AA camp for all these years. It is not an easy task, though.

VN is a case of breakaway for sovereignty from a colony of a feudal sinicized society since the ancient times when old Annam was still a prefecture under the rule of China throughout many dynasties since 111 BC until 939 AD. History of C immigration to VN is that of full integration of C resettlers in VN, a major factor that will help explain why there exist so many C words in the V language, including some of unsuspected basic items previously classed into other MK cases that could be Sinitic of common Yue origin.

All in all the V language might have evolved from its ancestral form of Yue initially in the form of speeches spoken by the Chu subjects (楚民) that had existed prior to the emergence of Sinitic entities, i.e., Zhu, Qin, Han, etc., that also gave rise to those languages spoken by the Zhuang or Dai minority groups in China South. Its development had been similar to those of Cant. and Fukienese until 939 AD. For the latter two dialects prominent elements of the Tang and Han dynasties had virtually replaced nearly all of its ancestral forms native to those of aboriginal Yue speeches once spoken by the Yue people about 3000 years ago. (See Drake, F.S. ed. Symposium on Historical Archaeological and Linguistic Studies on Southern China, South-East Asia and the Hong Kong Region. 1967.) The whole scenario would later repeat with MC, i.e., process of linguistic changes, by northern Mandarin and this form of dialect continued to influence other speeches in the sino-sphere, including V, but V developed in its own way after independence of the country.

This research, however, is still shy of proposing that V is a Sinitic language but loosely it could be described as a Sino-Xenic topolect, or Sinitic 'graft' language – as opposed to that of 'an adoptive language', 'hybrid' one (as described by Bloomfield, 1933, of Albanese), or even creoles (such as French spoken in New Guinea or Haiti) – thanks to its systematic and scholarly transformation from an official C language called Mandarin used in imperial courts throught out the ages. Theoretically, in the past the V language used to be considered as a Sinitic branch in the ST linguistic family long before the emergence of AA MK theorization of the origin of the V language came out in the 50's of the 20th century. For such matter novices in V linguistics do not need to discern much about ST etymologies but only posits of what is to be brought here in the chapter about them and V history as discussed so far.

You can visualize that such Sinitic 'graft' language is that of a linguistic tree with Sinitic plant tissues, branches, and leaves branching from a V trunk grafted onto the root of an aborigine Yue language. In other words, Sinitic linguistic elements exist on top of multiple layers of fundamental ancient Yue substrata, many of which apparently still leave traces in many AA languages such as those of Munda or MK as ancient aboriginal people migrate to places, which would help explain why AA etymological forms exists in V. If it is to be proved truly such a case, terminologically, like that of the Sinitic term, AA would be another misnomer because those AA remnants existing in the V language that carry Sinitic substances suggest something from the north. In fact the sole apprearance of some AA elements have deceive many veterans in the other Sinitic fields.

As discussed earlier on some of such related issues with regard to the terminology "Sinitic' to signify an affiliation having something to do with modern "Chinese" while in fact the core Sinitic substance of that concept had not come into existence yet prior to the rise of the unified Qin Empire. Such a naming termilogy could only enhance the validity of those AA claims trying to dicredit anything Chinese. Nonetheless, genetically or not, for the Sinitic dominance existing in the 99 percent of VS etyma, which could only called by the name "Sinitic" whether or not originally certain etyma were actually from C, e.g, 'chó' 狗 gǒu (dog).

While the characteristics of the SV stock of the V language are more like those of MC, for those of the VS portion they are, surprisingly, more like that of the northern Mandarin, especially the coloquial part of the official language of the court for more than 1000 years. In a sense Nandarin is a northern C dialect which had become of shape out of heavy influence by other Altaic languages after China had undergone the long period roughly 1000 years -- equal to that of the historically colonial VN, the size of one third making up a larger portion of the northern part of today's VN's territory -- of occupation and dominance of the rulers of Altaic and Tartarian origin, such as the Xiongnu (匈奴) from Siberia, the Yuan's Mongolians, the Kim in the Northern Song Dynasty (see Bo Yang. 1983-1993. ibid.), and, especially, the Manchurians in the last 300 years of the Qing Dynasty that ruled the whole Middle Kingdom.

Most of the examples cited in this introductory work are brand-new listings, in a respect, which could be used as complementary work to other etymological works previously pioneered by veterans such as Sergei Anatolyevich Starostin (, 1998) or Lê Ngọc-Trụ for their proposed terms of C origin. For example, the author accepts the new posit of VS 'khói' 氣 (汽) qì (smoke) for the already known SV 'khí' (air) and VS 'hơi' (vapor), or 役 yì for 'việc' (work) in addition to 活 huó, etc.

Whether they are accurate or not, old past etymological findings of C origin will still be salvaged and meticulously patched with new "paints", filtered, not to cover-up but to reveal camouflaged fading spots of an old painting, metaphorically speaking. Let's say, we have found 腚 dìng for VS 'đít' (buttocks) in addition to its doublet 屁 pì (SV tí) for the same concept of different roots denotes the same object. In this case, specifically, we may need to treat them to be of the same origin, to explain the sound change pattern -zero and /-ng/ ~ /-t/ and /p-/ ~ /d-/, or, similarly, 犬 quán and 狗 gǒu both for 'chó' (dog) to explain /kh-/ and /k-/ changing to /ch-/, etc.

To what extent that you are inclined to believe in the truthfulness of the factual etymological evidences depends solely on your historical linguistics background and conviction about the Sinitic theorization being discussed in this paper. Except for those who have a grasp in many disciplines related to the subject matter, there will be in reality not many people who would really comprehend or appreciate it. In short, again, people tend to believe in what they have already believed to start with. For some people, they would never understand such self-evident and self-proofed etyma which are so obvious and simple such as 早 zăo for 'chào' (hello), let alone 屁股 pìgu for both VS 'phaocâu' (chicken butts as delicacy) and its contracted form 屁 pì (SV tí) for 'đít', both equivalent to the modern M for 'buttocks', and its extended meaning for 'địt' (fart).

A Vietnamese Folktale

For an overview of the history of V development in a nutshell, artistically depictive, let's first attempt, imaginatively, to sketch the whole picture of a painting depicting the history of VN based solely on revealing transient shades of diminishing colors overlapping each other. They, like folktales passed down by the V ancestors, try to convey to us a highly hypothetical but picturesque story of pseudo-historical bygones.

Linguistically, let's take some examples, 'sông' (river) 江 jiāng and 'suối' (creek) 泉 quán diverting our attention from 川 chuān (SV xuyên), 'cửa' (door) 戶 hù camourflaging 口 kǒu, 'hiểu' (understand) 會 huì (SV hội) replacing 曉 xiáo, 'hiền' (good nature) 賢 xián taking place of 善 shàn (SV thiện), etc., one etymon on top of the other, not to mention each morphemic syllable in dissyllabic forms could give rise to different doublets in V via associative rule of sound changes, for example, 安樂 ānlè (peaceful and happy) ~> 'anlành' / 樂 lè ~ 'lành' <~ 良 liáng (benign), etc, of which the whole new rule like that has never been spotted by any specialists in V at all. Hence the hidden ones could be exposed in doublets or of different shapes and sounds. Therefore there is no such thing called 'absolute' in terms of rigidity in historical linguistics as readers current see on other VS etymological works.

Metaphorically, for entertaining purposes, without being stressed out with all bombarding minute details of an academic subject so as to be easy to remember, V linguistic history might run with the lines as follows:

"More than 3000 years ago the mother proto-Taic had given birth to one hundred children, collectively known as the BáchViệt 百越 or BaiYue, with half of them conquered by the normadic Yin 殷 (or Ân) warriors of the formerly powerful Xia 廈 and Shang 商 dynasties that had long been separated from the Tibetan root with the emergence of the Zhou Dynasty 周王朝 era. The newly mixed race had formed Sino-Tibetan linguistic branch.

All together the Yue tribal people had evolved into ethnic groups at present day known us as the Dai 傣, the Zhuang 壯, the Yao 瑤, the Miao 苗, the Mon 猛 (毛南), etc., respectively. Interestingly, all is nowadays lumped together and named as the Austroasiatic stock by western anthropologists for they were actually descendants of the other "fifty Yue children" who had got to the Southeast Asia in earlier break-ups more than 2200 years ago. When they were fighting against each other in the Spring and Autumn Warring Period (春秋戰國) the other half lost the fight and fled southward to join their long lost cousins in China South 華南, who were later called individually by the name of Yue 粵 (Việt), XiYue 西越 (TâyViệt), LuoYue 鵅越 (LạcViệt), OuYue 毆越 (ÂuViệt), YueChang 越常 (Việtthường), MinYue 閩越 (MânViệt), 吳越 WuYue (NgôViệt), etc., all having well established within their rightful states.

Tracing down the evolutional line, among several vassal states was the Qin State 秦國 that had become increasingly powerful and then forced the Chu 楚國 to become its "concubine" with all of her adopted indigenous subjects. In 208 BC, the Yue states in Huanan ended up to be ruled by a former Qin's general called Triệu Đà (趙佗 Zhào Tuó) who established and ruled the NamViệt Kingdom 南越王國 for more than 100 years, which would later be conquered by the Han Empire 大漢 and, finally, was annexed to the greater unified Middle Kingdom 中國. As history has it, part of it located in today's VN's northern territory became the Annan Protectorate 安南都護府 (Annam Đôhộphủ).

In Annam the Viet-Muong groups, descendents of the LuoYue, further broke up and formed the Kinh group (京族 Jingzu). Linguistically the early V formation and development with all the AC elements parallel to what had happened to ancestral Cantonese Yue and Fukienese Amoy until 939 AD. Since 111 BC, the speakers of the proto-Vietic speech, the Muong groups, who preserved the proto-Muong linguistic form had fled into remote mountainous regions while those who chose to stay behind living under the rule of the Han Empire. The latter, having endured further the imposition of the Han's culture and language, had absorbed and blended itself with a Han dialectal form known as Ancient Chinese (AC), which, over time, diachronically and synchronically, gradually and continually penetrated deeply into the Vietic, or early Annamese, linguistic form which undoubtedly was the ancestral speech of today's V. "

Such affiliation among those of the V and C languages could be dated back to earlier periods of the Western Zhou Dynasty (西周), of which proto-Taic remnants had scattered and diverged into all other speeches spoken by descendants of the BaiYue, i.e., the Yue, which might include those of the today's Austroasiatic stock, e.g., the MK languages. The linguistic splits continued on and further blossomed into a new linguistic form spoken by the Kinh (京族 Jingzu), meaning "the metropolitan people", the newly mixed race historically known as the Annamese since the Han time. Note the connotation of the word "京" for "Kinh", that how the "Chinese-mixed" Annamese called themselves since the ancient times.

So to speak, vestiges of the proto-Taic elements of the pre-Sinitic linguistic forms that made up OC is just like the blend of the sintic elements of the post Western Han in the VS stock since 208 BC onward have permeated throughout the V language, which would explain why both V and C languages are considered linguistically affiliated via the key elements of the Yue aboriginal speeches even though the V language was not on genetically straight-lined Sino-Tibetan.

You will see more of those descriptive details again throughout this paper because it is an important link in V and C relationship from "linked kinship" to culturally-accented imposition and acquisition based on actual historical facts of more than 1000 year domination of the ancient Annam by the Han Chinese.

Like work being done in restoring and rebuilding subtle details from an old painting counterpart, linguistically rescontructed work in scholarly depth could be done in the same manner as we would like to try on cited words and more later throughout the next chapters. It is assumed that readers already familiar with the sound change laws with what is going on, in most of the cases etymological elaboration, i.e., explanation in detail of how sound change patterns have happened on both common and specific cases of cited etyma, could be omitted or kept to the minimum for simplicity.

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(K)Kelley, Liam C. (2012). The Biography of the Hồng Bàng Clan as a Medieval Vietnamese Invented Tradition". Journal of Vietnamese Studies, Vol. 7, No. 2: 87-122, published by: University of California Press.

ABSTRACT: This paper critically examines an account called the “Biography of the Hồng Bàng Clan” in a fifteenth-century text, the Arrayed Tales of Selected Odditiesfrom South ofthePasses [LĩnhNam chíchquái liệttruyện]. This account is the source for the “historical” information about the Hùng kings. Scholars have long argued that this information was transmitted orally from the first millennium BCE until it was finally written down at some point after Vietnam became autonomous in the tenth century. In contrast, this paper argues that this information about the Hùng kings was created after Vietnam became autonomous and constitutes an invented tradition.”

(W)Journeymen in the field will understand why the ST hypothesis of linguistic wave-theory is being shunned by the new V nationalists, let alone the traditional family-tree one (Bloomfield, 1933. pp. 317, 18).

(董)Thánh Gióng, also known as Phù Đổng Thiên Vương (扶董天王), Ông Dóng and Xung Thiên Thần Vương (冲天神王)


(X)Only the first Mon-Khmer numbers 1 to 5 are "muəj" ,"piː (pɨl)", "ɓəj", "ɓuən", "pram" as apposed to the 10-based numerical system in V of which only the first 5 numbers corespond to "một", "hai", "ba", "bốn", "năm", respectively.

In any case, as a matter of fact, the V speakers are also at ease with C origin numbers in common usage and expressions such as "hạngnhất" (一等), "thứnhì" (第二), "bấtquátam" (不過三), "tứquái" (四怪), "mâmngũquả" (五果盤), "ănchia tứlục" (分利四六), "thấttuần" (七旬), "bátquái" (八卦), "bảngcửuchương" (九章版), "chục quảtrứng" (十個蛋), "mộttá" (一打), "nhịthậptứ hiếu" (二十四孝), "báchnhiên" (百年), "thiênthu" (千秋), "vạntuế" (萬歲), "muônthuở" (萬世), "tỷphú" (億富), etc. They are imnumerable, so to speak.

(A)An Dương Vương is the title of Thục Phán, who ruled over the kingdom of Âu Lạc (now Vietnam) from 257 to 207 BC. The leader of the Âu Việt tribes, he defeated and seized the throne from the last Hùng king of the state of Văn Lang, and united its people, known as the Lạc Việt, with the Âu Việt. In 208 BC, the capital Cổ Loa was attacked and the imperial citadel ransacked. An Dương Vương fled and committed suicide.


(I)Namquốc sơnhà (Territory of the Southern Nation) written in 1077 by Lý Thường Kiệt and recited next to the defense line of the Như Nguyệt River (Cầu River), originally for raising the spirit of the soldiers to fight against C invaders and BìnhNgô đạicáo (Great Proclamation upon the Pacification of the Wu) by Nguyễn Trãi to speak in the name of Bìnhđịnhvương Lê Lợi in the Đinhmùi year (1427), announcing the pacification of the C Ming invading troops, regaining the national independence, establishing the Later Lê Dynasty.

(V) 1) Dương Đình (Diên) Nghệ 楊廷藝 or 楊延藝 (931-937)
2) Kiều Công Tiễn 矯公羨 or 皎公羨 (937-938)
3) Ngô Vương reign: 939–944
4) Dương Tam Kha reign: 944–950
5) Hậu Ngô Vương: Nam Tấn Vương & Thiên Sách Vương co-reign: 950–954
6) Thiên Sách Vương reign: 954–965
7) Ngô Sứquân (吳使君),reign: 965–968
8) "The Anarchy of the 12 Warlords" or "Thập Nhị Sứquân Rebellion" (966–968)


(M)The Mongol invasions of Vietnam or Mongol-Vietnamese War refer to the three times that the Mongol Empire and its chief khanate the Yuan dynasty invaded Đại Việt (now northern Vietnam) during the Tran Dynasty and the Kingdom of Champa: in 1257–1258, 1284–1285, and 1287–1288. (Source:

(英) That is metaphorically comparable to elaborating on China's Simplified C vs. Tradionial C, along with Pinyin vs. Zhuyin transcribing systems being in use in Hong Kong or Taiwan or, analogously, cf. 面 miàn (face, noodle, wheat) for 麵 miàn (noodle, wheat) vs. the derivatives in VS 'mặt' (SV 'diện') and 'mì' (SV 'miến'), respectively, a big difference, so to speak.

(Y)"It is so said, their ancestors were descendants (of...)", because, relatively speaking, the forefathers of a nation who had lived in a place hundreds of years ago were not necessarily the ancestors on a direct biological line that gave birth to the people who are living there now. In that specific Cant. case cited above, we have to take into consideration the fact that for the last 2000 years, there have been changes in the original populace. Of a great number of migrants in and out of the Guangdong Province, many were not of the Yue ancestry anyway. Similarly, in the case of VN which shares the same historical background, a much larger percentage of today's V populace is not direct descendants of some native inhabitants who helped 18 kings Hungvuong build the Vanlang (ancient Vietnam) nation; it is no matter whoever they were, originally of the Yue or MK racial stock, the V Kinh people who are living in the spot where VN is located now might not necessarily be direct descendants of those forefathers who built the nation more than 2000 years ago.

(交)Revisit of my XYZ racial formulary: symbolistically the proportion of ethnic mixture could be a formulated for the Viets by assigning some weights to its properties as (4Y6Z8HCMK) based on historical records such as census data of population increasing from 400,000 to 980,000 people — Annamese (2Y3Z4H) — in Han's three prefectures of Jiaozhi 交趾 (Giaochỉ), Jiuzhen 九真 (Cửuchân), and Rinan 日南 (Nhậtnam), respectively, during 100 year period from 111 BC to 11 BC. Historical records show that in Qin Dynasty, NamViet's 15,000 to 30,000 unmarried women were forced to marry with Qin foot solders (Lu Shih-Peng, 1964, Eng. p. 11, Chin. p. 47). The racial composition of its populaces is much more similar like that of Han-Chinese, that is, a process during which the early proto-Chinese (X) intermingled with the proto-Yue aboriginals (YY) — on the proportional scale of 2 to 1 — to become parts of ancient Yue indigenous populace represented by (ZZZ) in those ancient states of Wu, Yue, Chu, etc., who were later to be called the Han symbolized as (HHHH) — that is, 3 x Z, 4 x H, repectively — in a unified Middle Kingdom of the Han Dynasty, or a united states of China, analogously. Composition of the later Han-Chinese as (X2Y3Z4H), in effect, are results of racial mixture of (X)(YY)(ZZZ)(HHHH), so to speak, while racial composition of the Viets is made of the proto-Yue (YY) and later Yue (ZZZ) to become the proto-Vietic Viets (YYZZZ), ancestors of the Vietic, or early Annamese (2Y3Z4H), who would later become Vietnamese (4Y6Z8H+CMK) of the modern VN where C is for Cham and MK Mon-Khmer, a componental double of (2Y3Z4H) plus (CK) taking place with a series of similar events that had brought about the same composition of the Fukienese or Cantonese populace, that is, they had the same racial transmutation as that of the Vietic mixture during the same period of Han Dynasty. If it was so, then symbolistic formula for AA could be assigned as (6YCMK) (See Chapter 2: B) Rainwash on the Austroasiatic Western front).

(S)Fanqie is traditional method of indicating the pronunciation of a Chinese character by using two other Chinese characters, the first having the same consonant as the given character and the second having the final and tone. (Handian: 古漢語注音方法, 用兩個字注讀另一個字, 例如 '塑,桑故切(或桑故反)'。被切字的聲母跟反切上字相同 ( '塑' 字聲母跟 '桑' 字聲母相同, 都是 s ),被切字的韻母和字調跟反切下字相同 ('塑' 字的韻母的字調跟 '故' 相同, 都是 u 韻母, 都是去聲。Source: 汉典

(文)A good examples is from "Bình Ngô Đạicáo Tânthời" written in classical language with a modern context by the author. It is a modern slanted version of the 'Vietnamese proclamation of independence from China' in 1428, VN's Le Dynasty. You may want to read the full version of it in APPENDIX L or do a Google search to see how "nationalism" and "politics" can obscure some good judgment:

"凭吾丑告: 女丑讨华, 占有千秋, 婆权成性, 历载叶千, 巨大无双, 蝴蝶婆脷, 汉和岭蛮, 缩头乌龟, 中擦外伤, 坏而恋战, 南越百族, 湖广七雒, 独吾健在, 雄居南方, 旗花移到, 吾邦挚友, 好客有方, 来者良家, 流氓勿忘, 白藤江待, 南杀西杀, 旗中无敌, 维我独尊, 骑越虎也, 上之毋下, 入生出死, 大鱼气小, 急吃豆腐, 九死一生, 贪食疾身, 女等欺人, 甚不可忍, 君子报仇, 十年不晚, 咱走着瞧, 霸权破脷, 惹火焚身, 九泉归依!" (Trâu Ơi Bố Bảo: Trâu số đạo hoa, ngàn lẻ thu qua, hay thói quyền bà, sửxanh ghichép, cụ đại vôsong, baybướm lưỡibò, hánhởmulạnh, đầurùa lấpló, trong sứt ngoài thoa, lâm chiến bại hoài. HồQuảng dù mất, NamViệt vẫncòn, Hùng cứ phươngnam, kỳhoa dịthảo, hữuhảo chi bang, chuộngchìu hiếukhách, nhàlành kếtmối, lưumanh chớhòng, Bạchđằng BểĐông, Trườngsa Hoàngsa, duyngãđộctôn, kỳ trung vô địch, cởi cọp Việtnam, lênvoixuốngchó, vàosinhratử, ỷlớnhiếpbé, nuốtxương mắccổ, dỡsốngdỡchết, thamthựccựcthân, lũbay bốláo, đắcchí tiểunhân, nhịn cũng vừa thôi, quântử ratay, bàihọc ngànnăm, tổcha tụibay, báquyền bảláp, rướchoạvàothân, ngậmngùi chínsuối!)

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