Is it Chinese or Vietnamese?

Prelude on the Sinitic etyma



Map of the Dali State

Vietnam's Bangioc Waterfall

the Zhou Dynasty

the Han Dynasty

the immigration routes of pre-Chinese


Vietnamese       Chinese
What Makes Chinese so Vietnamese?

An Introduction to Sinitic-Vietnamese Studies

(Ýthức mới về nguồngốc tiếngViệt)


Table of Contents




Chapter Six

VI) The Chinese connection

China? Chinese? What is it? Who are they? In what way are they related to the V? How closely is V affiliated those C languages spoken in China historically? Why is it considered invasive to tout reflection of C linguistic imprints in the V language in light of its speakers having been long so conscious of their national identity? Under no circumstances could we take off the connection of their country's history from that of China and just retain what the V like. Account of the birth of a nation could not be solely based on some invented account that was solely based on folktales and legends. (K)

Similarly, in regard to the AA-MK theory on both V and Khmer affiliation, its initiators had no down to earth history to say of but a few of rare basic words on which they build their case(W). If linguists pretend that the historical issue does not exist in their etymological realm, novices in the historical linguistic field will be tempted to take the same old road that their predecessors had went before. There indeed still exist many other unresolved theoretical issues on both opposite theories that could damp down one's impartial view very much depending on where onestands.

In this chapter the author will attempt to answer the foregoing questions under the historical perspective by addressing and substantiating evidences for the argumentations that

Before we go over the history of major historical factors which led linguistic formation of both C and V, here is a preliminary review of what could be used to support the author's thesis on the historical development of VS etymology.

China's history recorded contact between the ancient Viet (Yue) people and China's historical Yin 殷 (or Ân) Dynasty early during the period of 1718 BC-1631 BC when they were at war with each other. By that time the Yin had long separated from the Tibetan root no longer as normadic warriors roaming the northwestern region as an established state. Based on proto-Taic remnants in speeches spoken by descendants of the BáchViệt 百越 BaiYue, i.e., the Yue, of which the concept might be extended to indicate Austroasiatic MK, linguistically, Old Chinese (OC) traces show that the name "Gióng" or "Dóng" in the V legend of "Thánh Gióng" (Saint 'Giong') who commandeered his army to fight against the Yin invasions is written as 董 Dǒng in C. (董)

Following the fall of Xia 廈 and Shang 商 dynasties, successors of the Yin, the Zhou Dynasty (周王朝) era emerged with the newly mixed race with the natives in the China North (華北) and Central Plains (中原) of all the subjects in the vassal states of Qin 秦, Lu 魯, Qi 齊, Yan 燕, Han 韓, etc. By that time the "diplomatic language" among them was Yayu 雅語 and Wenyanwen, or classical C, as their tool in their written communiqués. That is to say, people did not speak the same languages by then. The northern goups formed a family of languages that is now known as the Sino-Tibetan linguistic family (ST) while the southern Chu 楚, Wu 吳, Yue 越, and later the XiYue 西越 (TâyViệt), 東越 Dongyue (ĐôngViệt), MinYue 閩越 (MânViệt), 吳越 WuYue (NgôViệt), LuoYue 鵅越 (LạcViệt), OuYue 毆越 (ÂuViệt), Yuechang 越常 (Việtthường) all descended from common roots the author calls he "the Yue linguistic family" as opposed to those of the ST or AA.

In the 20th century the southern linguistic group was lumped together into the 'Austroasiatic linguistic family' by western linguists which also embraced all those MK languages spoken Southeast Asia's region. However, like their cultural fossils excavated further in the southern regions of today's VN's territories, the MK or the Chamic languages spoken by the indigenous people there had nothing to do with the Annamese latecomers long after the 13th century when they migrated into the region. The Annamese by then had spoken a form of Yue language with thick layers C lingo which was unlike any of the MK languages but it sounded like a variation of colloquial Mandarin.

Entering the Spring and Autumn Warring Period (春秋戰國), subjects of several states that lost the fights against the Qin 秦 fled southward to China South 華南, among whom were those of the Yue people as recorded in different C characters such as 鉞, 粵, 越 (Việt), etc., who had long established their rightful states by then; however, they were still referred to by northern dynasties as NamMan (南蠻) or "Southern Barbarians". All together the Yue tribes made up those ethnic minorities at present day known as the Dai 傣, the Zhuang 壯, the Yao 瑤, the Miao 苗, the Mon 猛 (毛南), etc., respectively, with their languages each having evolved separately.

Tracing down the family line, it is noted that the Chu State 楚國 had its subjects being of Taic descents (原始傣族). When it -- along with other several vassal states of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty (東周王朝) era -- was defeated by the Qin State 秦國, all of its populace were absorbed into the Qin Empire. In 208 BC, the Yue states in the China South that were then ruled by the former Qin's general called Triệu Đà (趙佗 Zhào Tuó) would later be incorporated into the NamViệt Kingdom (南越王國) that lasted nearly 100 years until it was finally conquered by the Han Empire (大漢) in 111 BC.

Essentially the racial components of the Han Empire consisted of mainly those who were from the Chu and former Qin population including those of the NamViet Kingdom. Racial balance of the Han people was composed of basically in the same Yue ethnic ratio with the racial makeups of all the subjects of those states previously defeated and incorporated into the Qin Empire which included a great number of people of Taic stock of the earlier Chu State. It is noted that Liu Bang (劉邦) and his folllowers who founded the Han Dynasty had been formerly subjects of the Chu State as well.

As the Han Empire expanded with the annexation and division of the former NamViet Kingdom into prefectures the Giaochâu Prefecture (交州 Jiaozhou) that would later become the Annan Protectorate 安南都護府 (Annam Đôhộphủ) was located in today's VN's northern territory. In Annam the indigenous Viet-Muong groups, descendants of the LuoYue (雒越) people, who originally inhabited inside the ancient Vanlang nation, in the face of the Han's colonization of ancient Annam, defiant Muong people broke up and fled to remote mountainous region. Those left behind in the lowland of the fertile Red River Delta were the Kinh majority (京族 Jingzu) who had been formed out of inter-marriages with the late Han resettlers, except for those from China North, many of whom were also of Yue origin, e.g., subjects of the Chu State, coming from China South. Note the connotation of the word "京" for "Kinh" that the "Chinese-mixed" Annamese called themselves since the ancient times which means "the metropolitan people", the newly mixed race later be known as Annamese.

On the one hand, that with the imposition of the Han's language over the use of the indigenous Yue language before the birth of "Chinese entities", i.e., Sino- and Sinitic, diachronically and synchronically, elements of dialectal varieties which continually penetrated deeply into its fundamental linguistic base throughout the ages of changing dynasties in the Middle Kingdom shaped up ancient Annamese. Undoubtedly it was the ancestor of modern V, blend of Sintic elements of the Western Han made up the VS vocabulary stock since 208 BC onward with the indigenous Vietic language after its break-up with the Viet-Muong group. As a result, the linguistic division between the Muong and the Kinh became much deeper as each developed into different speeches that are unintelligible to each other in our contemporary era.

On the other hand, vestiges of the proto-Taic elements of the pre-Sinitic linguistic forms existing in some Han dialectal form designated as Old Chinese (OC) are considered linguistically affiliated with some basic words found the Yue aboriginal language because they might share the same Taic roots in the language that subjects of ancient Chu State spoke, including Liu Bang, the founder of the Han Dynasty (漢高祖). That might explain why both V and C languages are not on genetically related that could put the V language into the ST linguistic family but share common Sinitic vocabulary stock.

A) Is it Chinese or Vietnamese?

What is the appropriateness for a "VS word" to be classified if it originated from either the Yue root or archaic C, such as those that have evolved into lexical variants or derivatives? If it is of Sintitic origin, should the VS form be then considered as a C loanword or an etymon of the same root given the plausibility that both forms could be affiliated with some indigenous "proto-Yue"? Given historical reasons, a native basic word could distance itself from other forms which are likely related as well; for example, an indigenous form *krong are cognate to both V 'sông' and C 江 jiāng (SV giang, Cant. /kong11/, 'river', as in "Mekong" and 湄江 Meijiang), the latter being an irreplaceable word in C but having a deep root of some ancient Yue language in the southern land now call China South. In Khmer the modern form "krong" means "city", though, such as 'Krong Siem Riap'.

In the meanwhile the specific phonetic shell that "wraps up" the etyma evolved from *krong in V 'sông', SV 'giang', Cant. /kong11/, M 江 'jiāng', etc., are constructed with the form toneme[C+V(+C)] that compasses all existing V and C vocabulary, every morphemic attribute -- such as its tonality -- of a V lexeme /sowŋ11/ or /səwŋ11/ is characteristically of the same nature of the ancient root */krowŋ11/. Such a linguistic build is parallel to that of genetic stock forming the same biological physique, which makes people ask themselves the question 'Is she C or V?'. Metaphorically, what counts is not the mechanics of bio-engineering that grafts C branches onto the trunk of the V tree -- just like a member its Sinicized nationals of Yue descents, e.g., coercion of local Yue women to marry northwestern Qin infantrymen in Qin Empire in China South, -- but the bio-genomes -- Taic and Yue racially mixed Chu subjects (楚國居民) who established the Han Empire -- that bear similar fruits, branches, leaves, flowers like other trees. (Charles Darwin. 1859)

V, specifically, is a language that has populated all Sinitic elements on top of its common base of ancient aboriginal strata known as that of some indigenous Yue mother language. In fact, V etyma largely consist of a greater amount of C loanwords in both SV and VS categories, a small number of the latter had actually evolved from ancient Yue roots which had also been shared by several C dialects as well, e.g., those variants from Cant., Fukienese, Hainese, etc., in China South (see illustrations in the succeeding sections after the next). However, it must be noted that the case of the V development that had gone through the 1000-year domination of C rule has been different from some other 'postulated hybrid' -- but not creolized --languages, such as Albanese of which vocabularies are totally comprised of loanwords from several other prominent languages with a few hundred native words of its own (Bloomfield. 1933).

It is interesting to note that some of the basic Yue-based lexicons might have already existed in V prior to their doublets finding their way back again into the V fundamental stock by way of other routes, e.g., 'trâu' 丑 chǒu SV 'sửu', 'ngựa' 午 wǔ SV 'ngọ' (horse), 'heo' 亥 hài SV 'hợi' (pig), etc., including those postulated as of AA family such as Mon-Khmer (MK) languages of which the Khmer zodiac names of animals are attested from trade route from Annam in ancient time as mentioned in previous chapter. Similarly, she whole process is similar to that of how Japanese words of modern western concepts of the early 20th century such as 'dânchủ' 民主 mínzhǔ (democracy) or 'cộnghoà' 共和 gònghé (republic), that were built with C materials, have found their way back into C and then later the V language.

James Campbell in Vietnamese Dialects redicules my ignorance of linguistics but he states it best that

"I originally included Vietnamese in this study/website because of the fact its phonological makeup is very similar to Chinese and, indeed, its tonal system matches the Chinese one. Originally I wrote at this site: "Vietnamese is neither a Chinese language nor related to Chinese (It is an Austroasiatic > Mon-Khmer language more closely related to Khmer/Cambodian). Besides having a very similar phonological system, and due to the heavy Chinese influence on the language, it also has a tone system that matches the Chinese one." However, after reading and conducting a bit more research, it appears that Vietnamese affiliation with Việt-Mương, Mon-Khmer, and Austroasiatic, may in fact be a faulty case."

[...] [Vietnamese] may not be considered a Sinitic language or one of the Chinese dialects, but the Kinh have a lot in common with the Chinese culture, and the language leaves little to doubt. I will not go into great detail about how this is claimed, as a great deal has been posted at some other websites (see below [for study by dchph, the author of this very paper]) and that is not the purpose of this site. However, one can see that Vietnamese shares many traits in common with Chinese: 60-70% Sinitic vocabulary, another 20% of vocabulary is substrata of proto-Sinitic vocabulary, much of the grammar and grammatical markers share similarities with Chinese, along with classifiers. One would find it very difficult to draw similar parallels between Chinese and other Mon-Khmer languages. It seems that after considering all of this, what is left that is Mon-Khmer is actually very little, and probably acquired over time through contact with bordering nations. For example, the numbers are of distinct Mon-Khmer origin, however, used in many compound words, Vietnamese uses instead Chinese roots (as is common in the other Sino-Xenic languages, Japanese and Korean)." (X)

Let's talk a bit more about the affiliation of the two countries in terms of political geography where nothern VN's region once was a part of the Middle Kingdom before the 10th century for 1000 years. However, Annam was never recognized as a sovereign state in an official C history. Throughout the long C colonial rule from 111 BC to 979 AD there emerged one short interval of an independent VN ruled by the Early Lý Dynasty from 544 to 602 AD. In the meanwhile, for the most part Annam was normally considered by China as its vassal state even after hundreds of years long it became sovereignty. In effect, the ancient VN had been treated as a prefecture of the C empire up until the Qing Dynasty in the late 19th century. By then its declining imperial government was forced to sign the Treaty of Tientsin (1885) with the French government to renounce its protectorate rights in Annam to France.

China's history, at the very least, has been an essential part to that of VN. To write VN's history of the early days as it was first written -- such as the The ĐạiViệt Sửký Toànthư (Complete Annals of ĐạiViệt) in 1479, the official history of the Lê Dynasty, originally compiled by the court-appointed official Ngô Sĩ Liên, by the order of King Lê Thánh-Tông -- historians normally referred to C records for historical anecdotes of the place once called Giaochi (交趾 Jiaozhi). To compile specifically about the nation of "Yue of the South", i.e., Việtnam, in continuation, C history is indispensable in all chronological phases unless V historians do not seek to connect the ancient VN prior to her independence in 939, that is, 1000 years long of "northern colonization period" that was imposed on Giaochi in the northeastern part of today's North VN starting in 218 BC under the rule of the First Emperor Qin Shihuang (秦始皇) as a prefecture of the Qin Empire until it became part of the larger Namviet Kingdom established and ruled by the Triệu Dynasty (207–111 BC). Ancient VN continued to be a prefecture of the Middle Kingdom as Giaochau and Annam under the rule of the succeeding Han Dynasty until the end of the Tang Dynasty in 907 AD. The turbulent period that broke up the Middle Kingdom into 10 states had created favorable condition for the emergence of an independent VN in 939 AD. In search for an even more archaic period with those already existed folklores of which some legends could be attested with earlier C historical records, for instance, the legend of VN's "Thánh Dóng" who fought against Yin invaders (1718 BC-1631 BC) (董) or that of "King Andươngvương and the Magic Bow" to relate to the establishment of ancient state of ÂuLạc.(A) as recorded in China's early history.

V historians like to assume that VN used to have her own written historical records and literary works which include the two declarations of independence of their ancestral "Southern Yue State" (NamViệt) (I) despite of the fact that they all were written in C even after her becoming a sovereignty in 939 AD. V scholars believe many VN's historical records could not be found now because they were destroyed by constant resistance wars. They even further imagine that when the C aggressors left the country, they did not forget to bring home with them all available books from their old colonial VN.

As a matter of fact, researchers can, however, affirm that in Giaochi, i.e., Annam prefecture, as it is never considered as a nation of it own in C official history, there were no "constant resistance wars" before the collapse of the Tang Dynasty (907). Throughout the colonial period under the C rule, sporadic uprisings and rebellions were always expected to be suppressed eventually; there was no need for the C colonialists to bring back to the mother land all volumes of written materials. All those greedy C mandarins would never care much about cultural heritage but monetary valuables such as gold and pecious germs and C generals were busy securing their interests in their own stations.(V) In other words, prior to her sovereignty, history of ancient Annam had simply been "Annals of local events" (地方誌) of China.

Such supposition, on the one hand, was highly probable for the reason that throughout the time span before and after 939 whilst in those divided states back home had been ravaged in ferocious wars among warlord factions raging on in the mainland, the Annam Prefecture inside the Qinghaijun Military Zone (清海軍區) were normally the prosperous and safe haven, home away from home. During the chaotic period immediately after the collapse of the Tang Dynasty in 907 the whole union of Middle Kingdom was broken up into 7 major different states, with each having been ruled by different self-claimed emperors and kings overall for 72 years until 979. (Bo Yang, Vols 65-72, 1993) Again, note that by then even though Annam had been a de facto sovereignty, C historians just treated it like a renegade prefecture, comparable to Taiwan or even Hong Kong today. It is understandable that, on the other hand, most of the C colonialists and their family -- of high officials appointed by the NanHan State's imperial court (南漢王國, 917-971, consisting of rerritories of today's China's provinces of Guangdong, Guangxi, Hainan, and northeastern part of North VN) which was then controlled and manipulated by eunuchs -- in this case they would rather choose to remain in the Annam Prefecture (the name itself stands for "the Pacified South") than to return to the diminishing state of NanHan in the mainland. Besides, for all high officials of the state in order to hold important governmental post, they were supposed to be castrated, each one to become an eunuch among some 20,000 significant others. (Bo Yang, Vol. 72, p. 160. 1993)

Accordingly, to understand the becoming of the V her language it should be put within the historical framework that in the ancient Annam as a colony of China its linguistic development had evolved from such a long millenium under strong influence of C in many aspects of life (compare today's English in many other parts of the world.) Besides the formal lingo of classic C Wenyanwen (文言文), for other C dialectal coloquial speeches brought in and spoken within certain officals in the colony of Annam, historical linguists can still make use of C literary works and dictionaries like Guangyun (廣韻) and Kangxi Zidian (康熙字典) in order to find their etymological vestiges of basic words in other Sinitized Yue languages that might once exist in the ancient V. Additionally, it is noted that while varieties of some train of northern dialectal dominant C language -- for most C rulers were northerners, which shows in the fact that their capitals mostly built in the north, including the Ming's palace which had been initially located in Nanjing (南京) and then moved to today's Beijing (北京) location -- might have been in use mainly by the mandarins, many V etyma could be recognized and postulated through northern C colloquial expressions supposedly spoken by the general public living inside the Middle Kingdom, for example, 'lúcnào' 牢牢 láoláo (all the times), 'luônluôn' 老老 láoláo (always), 'khôngphảisao?' 可不是 kěbùshì (isn't it so?), etc.,

In regard to how V and C languages have been affiliated, with all aforementioned entanglements throughout the colonial period, they and their speakers have been products of a racial mixture of the indigenous people and all those racially-mixed Han people of Yue origin, including infantrymen, exiled officials, and other emigrants. The later C immigrants kept pouring in to the Annam prefecture since 111 BC, the process which has incessantly continued on even beyond the period of C domination. Anthropologically, unlike the other East Asia's countries such as the two Koreas and Japan who uniquely display their own national identities,

-- The fact that the Koreans and Japanese could not absolutely be identified with the Chinese still currently shows as those people of Chinese ethnicity living in South Korea and Japan for many generations remain aliens.--
even though VN survived the C colonialization, the process of sinicization had put a heavy toll and left a permanent sinitic mark on her people and their language.

Ethnically, VN's nationals consist of more than 85 percent of the Kinh majority who are known as V ethnicity plus approximately 14% of 53 minority ethnic groups. Of the former group, they have, in effect, emerged from racially-mutated stock of aboriginals and resettlers from the northern regions which would later become the Middle Kingdom, and both groups of people supposedly having a mixture of early ancestral Yue natives who had inhabited a wide-spread area stretching out from Lake Dongtinghu located in Hunan Province in China South (CS) to today's North VN regions, including the lately acquired land of the ancient Nanzhao Kingdom (南詔 738-902) -- and later of Dali State (大理國 937–1253 ) -- southeastern area, south of Yunnan Province, China, that makes up the Annam's northwestern area. In a much later development since the 12th century, new stretches of land were seized from the two kingdoms of Champa and Khmer that consist of VN's western high plateau region and mountainous ranges from north to south which became remote and safe havens for most highland minorities, also known as montagnards, who are notably of Chamic and Khmer origin.

Map of the Dali State in 1142

Map of the Dali State in 1142

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With respect to the C and V racial affiliation, hence, consequently, resulting in a linguistic relationship, one would be able to distinguish those Han resettlers in ancient times (who constituted a portion of the early Kinh populace in terms of their mixture with the aborigines) from those contemporary latecomers of C immigrants (who have made up the C ethnic group officially called the Hoa minority of around 1 million people) as late as in the end of the World War II. Both former and latter groups have lived mostly in the lowland and the coastal townships and become members the Kinh people over the years. Many of the early C resettlers -- such as thousands of those refugees coming in by boats after the fall of the Ming Dynasty in the China's mainland to the hands of the northern Manchurians -- were credited for their contributions in building new towns such as those southern places, those newly acquired areas historically belonging to the ancient Khmer Kingdom, before the mainstream Kinh moved in like Hàtiên or even Sàigòn. In a notable event of a very much recent development, a sizable portion of the Hoa minority actually are descendants of many C-V left behind from the exodus of the C minority trying to get out of the country in 1979 having started before the imminent Sino-V border war and that continued on to 1996 with approximatey 400,000 C-V refugees plus who fled VN were later resettled in the US, Canada, and many other western countries. (H)

Historically, since 111 BC early waves of C immigrants followed the footsteps of the Han's invaders who had occupied and established their rule in the ancient Annamese land. Throughout the period that followed for at least the next 1000 years C immigrants from the north had migrated, resettled, and intermarried with local wives. They and their offsprings, as a result, mostly constituted an integral part of the already established "Kinh ethnicity" (京族) as mentioned above. The term "Kinh" originally was used to indicate those "metropolitans" who resided in large cities around the Red River Basin and townships in the lowland. No need to say, it is those places that the Han colonialists built barracks to station their troops and residences to house their administrative officials. Most of them stayed in the ancient Annam when the Tang Empire disintegrated in 907.

The same process of racial integration and language development that lasted for the next 1000 years appear just like what the C had done to the ancient Annamese for hundreds of years before. Decendants of those native people of both kingdoms of Champa and Khmer were identified with the later Annamese invaders who took their turn to play the role of expansionists in place of those earlier C colonialists of the ancient northern territory of Annam. In fact, after 939 AD as people of the newly established sovereign state of Annam further moved on to its neighbors' adjacent territories further in the south, over time and along the way they met and intermarried with the local Chamic and Khmer people. Those local people of the two lost kingdoms had in effect mixed with the newly Annamese resettlers to have given rise to the latest new mixture of the late Annamese generations. Given the fact that there existed no ethnic lynching records of whatsoever in related historical events until the end of the 18th century, the newly racially mixed offsprings of the late Annamese resettlers with those Chamic and Khmer people in the newly annexed land emerged and they would pose no distinction with the Kinh majority in terms of racial integration for their physical appearance look alike probably due to the equal that they were borne in the harshly warm climate of equatorial region. Altogether the 5 main ethnic stocks have made up the Kinh majority, i.e., the Taic, the Yue, the C, the Chamic, and the Khmer as we have seen all over places in modern VN.

While Chamic or Khmer heritage has been largely acclaimed with prestigious cultural artifacts and colossus monuments, many V academics have missed the point mainly more on the C racial factor. Maybe it is the term "Chinese" that has bothered them all along just like what we discuss in chapter 5. What else would one expect to see that could have emerged from an ancient prefecture of the Middle Kingdom for 1000 years then? Just like the case of many other former colonial countries on earth such as Ireland vs. England nor Mexico vs. Spain, or closer to home where Canton's or Amoy's ethnic entitties, i.e., aboriginal Yue people in ancient region's where today's Guangdong and Fujian provinces located, have been mostly assimilated into the Han C mainstream, VN had faced the same fate that it would fail to resist and subdue increasing pressure of assimilation after some hundred years under the domination of a much more powerful country than itself. It is not hard to a novice to grasp the core matter with the reinstatement as such. It is a plain and simple cognizance.

Bangioc Waterfall over the river


Artistic render of the Taic-Yue-Chin-Chamic-Khmer cascades of the modern Vietnamese.
(Source: modified from a Bangioc Waterfall image downloaded from internet.)

To be easier on the brain similar to those of artists who could visualize strings of data. Here is another way to depict of the whole rationalization above. Let's paint a picture of an imaginery V national landcape with infusion of water colored ink with the darkest spot on top and the lightest one down under. Analogously, the overall process of inundation appears to look like multi-tiered cascades with the current flow at the bottom waterfall that pours into a river pool. Imagine the cascade underneath the one at the top stood for the early C -- as the Han Empire's subjects -- who were largely made up with all the subjects in the kingdoms of ancient Qin, Chu, Wu, Yue, etc., of which their descendants had been of the Yue root as well. It is the Taic (先傣, or proto-Daic, who Bình Nguyên Lộc, 1972, called "Malay" people, populace of the Chu State 楚國 c. 1030 BC–223 BC) or pre-Yue, cascade as the common source that towers at the peak as the source pouring downward until muddy water -- symbolizing foreign elements that made up the early proto-C normadic horsemen who had conquered the ancient mainland of pre-China -- were totally infused with other elements at the bottom. Submerging in the lightly colored stream further down below are blended current that streams down all the way from the top -- the racially-mixed populace of both the Han and Yue peoples -- and pick up all other elements -- e.g., Chamic and Khmer, etc. -- along the way down before reaching over the river. What is inside the river pool then actually the V racial composition that, analytically, appeared to be that of other southern racially-mixed populace in region of China South, also descendants of the Yue people who had been the ancestors of ancient Annamese as well.

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Theorization like the one discussed above is based on C historical records. Many V nationalists, nevertheless, might find it hard to accept such sino-centric view because it is inundatedwith sinitic elements per se on what they already considered as of "pure" V entities, racially and linguistically, pertaining to their respective origin. One must pick choices between non-fictional and legendary stories to start talking about history of a language and its peakers, though. If one choose to go with history, s/he must undersand that the composition of the VN's "Kinh" people has been an inevitable result of racial mixture of the native Yue people and the so-called Han people over time, a product of China's semingly endless colonizationation of the southern that had pushed up the stream of southward emigration of the Yue inhabitants in the ancient CS reagions. The whole process took place in the very similar fashion to what made up the populace of the Han Empire after it had conquered the NanYue Kingdom in 111 AD. Before or after the Han Dynasty, of course, there existed no such thing called the "Han race" but only the Han culture and the people who adapt it.

With respect to the Han people, they are actually of racially mixed stock, having emerged from the unified empire first established by Emperor Qin Shihuang of the Qin Dynasty which is now known as "China". The Qin Empire initially encompassed (a) all the subjects of other 6 states (whose forefathers were unlikely of the same ancestors with those of the Qin State) that it had previously conquered and added to (b) the pool of its original subjects who had descended from an ancestral line passed down by those proto-Tibetan normadic horsemen and (c) those ancient northern tribes of non-Taic origin from the earlier periods of the Shang and Xia (ancestors of the Altaic line and its Turkish descendants in China North), plus (d) all the subjects in those earlier states which had paid tributes to the feudal Western Zhou's kings. The people having emerged the latter groups further mixed with indigenous Yue inhabitants in CS as the Qin Empire conquered and expanded further to the south and its population were multiplied with more indigenous Yue tribes as their territories were incorporated into the geo-political map of an entity being known as the Middle Kingdom (中國). In V there exists the word 'Tàuô' to call the "Qin" (秦) people who customarily donned themselves in black attires, which, etymologically, gave rise to the word 秦烏 Qinwu, or SV 'Tầnô' -- the surviving people of all other ancient states that would no longer exist after the Qin's invasion, all would probably call them something similar to "Tàuô" /taw2o1/ -- hence, the VS 'Tàuô' and the derivative 'Tàu'. The degrading term 'Tàu', phonologically, emerged as /-n-/ merged with the contraction of /-wo-/ > /-w/, a case of sound sandhi of the ending -n of the first syllable with the rounded vowel o- of the second syllable to finalize it as an ending semi-vowel /-w/. In a succeding course of events, nevertherless, the short-lived Qin Dynasty finally collapsed and the contention with the defiantly reborn Chu State to take over the whole empire was won by the empowered Han's first king, Liu Bang, and his generals, notably all having been the old Chu subjects who were descendants from the same Taic ancestors of the Yue.

Map of the Zhou Dynasty

Map of the Zhou Dynasty

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The Han Empire, a continuation of the unified Middle Kingdom, had its territory expanded and populated with a great number of the subjects of all other ancient states. Racially and linguistically, the Han's elements grew on top of what already consisted those populace of the Chu State and then later added up with those Yue components from the later NamViet Kingdom. Thenceforth there emerged the people called 'Han', including those later acquired territories in today's of Guangdong and Guangxi provinces. In other words, they consisted of all people living within the Han Empire since then would be called the Han people (just like an Amercian born in the US, analogously). In short, the formation of the Han Empire's populace was the result of the mixture of those original subjects -- who previously had already made up a part of the multi-state populace of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty -- of the lost Qin subjects and were blended with the people north of the Yangtze River and the Yue people in the CS region.

Since 111 BC after the Han Empire had annexed the whole NamViet Kingdom into their newly unified Middle Kingdom, the racially-mixed Han people from CS kept infiltrating continuously into the southeastern portion of the newly annexed Giaochỉ, that is, the northeastern part of today's VN. Of the first waves of the Han colonists with their infantrymen advanced southward, many of them originally of BachViet (百越 or M BaiYue) origin in the CS as forementioned were displaced from their ancient habitat in the northern region -- just south of the Yangtze River (楊子江) in today's Hubei and Hunan provinces -- to other faraway places in VN's Red River Basin and resettled there, permanently.

At the same time, following the long-marched Han soldiers were those exiled officials and their family, refugees fleeing ravages of wars and hunger, etc. Altogether they moved in en masse and finally all made their home in their newly occupied territory which was later known as 'Annam Đôhộphủ' (安南督護府 'Southern Pacification Protectorate Prefecture') until the end of the Tang Dynasty. Many of them further encroached into lower level cultivated land of southeastern basin in Vinhphuc and Hoabinh provinces of today's VN, resettled there, and never returned home. Altogether, 1000 years after that colonial period, they made up the larger part of the Kinh mojority population of the newly independent Annam.

Map of the Han Dynasty

Map of the Han Dynasty

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From the beginning the presence by Han colonists in the ancient Annamese land pushed those native inhabitants -- technically known as the Vietmuong -- to remote mountainous regions, who are now called the Muong ethnic group largely now concentrating in Hoabinh Province, one among now recognized 54 national minority groups displaced in their own ancestral land. Those local people who stayed tay behind in large cities and townships in arable lowland cooperated with the Han colonists. The integration of many newcomers of the Han stock from China during their southern expedition took roots in the new southern resettlement as they married with local women nad the end result after hundreds of years was new generations of children born in racially-mixed family in Annam and they became 'Annamites' (安南居民), forefathers of the "Kinh" people, or "metropolitans".

In our modern time, those youths who have been raised from new V immigrant family in the western countries such as US, Germany, or France, etc., display their robust builds thanks to their nutritious diet. Physically, in contrast with their parents, they all grow up solidly tall and big with a much lighter complexion, which manifests the biological genetic inheritance of nothern heavy stock, different from those of Mon-Khmer of AA origin or people of Austronesian origin such as Chamic (genetically related to the Li minorities on China's Hainan island), Malay, Filippino, or Indonesian in the far south.
As a matter of fact, 99 percent of the Kinh people today bear C family surnames. Note that the social intercourse was similar to events of racial integration process during the short-lived Qin Dynasty that carried out an imperial decree that coerced more than 30,000 local women to marry their soldiers. We already discuss much of this matter in the previous chapter on politics. In short, home-groomed scholars mostly keep themselves in the line of politically-correct (PC) code.

To understand the matter better under the perspective of anthropology, one can compare such postulation of the origin of the V people with some other similar national development that took on the same path in establishing a new multi-racial nation, regardless of specific ethnicity origin, which was how Annamese entity emerged 2200 years ago. First, for example, contemporary Asian history has witnessed the three consecutive prime ministers of Singapore and, second, all Taiwan's presidents, like their fellow countrymen, are all of China's mainland's origin in terms of where their ancestors come from, specifically Fujian Province, and they take pride in themselves as Singaporean and Taiwanese, respectively, in such a proud manner that goes hand in hand with one's national identity. Think of projected total of all children born to more than one hundred thousand V women married to those local husbands in Taiwan -- most of whom are original descendants of fully Sinicized Fukienese (X2Y3Z4H) (交) immigrants from the mainland of China -- in the last 25 years, their number as of now could probably have surpassed ancient VN's total population of about 900 thousand people as recorded in the Han's population census survey of the Giaochâu (交州 Jiaozhou) prefecture 2000 years ago. The racial balance of the two scenarios could have been the same, the difference is one being called 'Annamites' while the other 'Taiwanese', both speaking diferent a Sinicized version of their own language, including the proportion of each respective aboriginals.

Taiwanese Identity

Of the 23 million people in Taiwan, 98% are descendants of ethnic Han Chinese immigrants who migrated from China from the 17th to the 20th century. Of these, around 70% are descended from immigrants from Fujian and identify themselves as Hoklo whilst 15% are Hakka from Guangdong (Canton) and also Fujian. The ancestors of these people were laborers that crossed the Taiwan Strait to work on plantations for the Dutch. It is believed that these male laborers married local aborigine women, creating a new ethnic group of mixed Chinese and aborigine people. It is these descendants who identify themselves as Taiwanese and increasingly reject their identity as Chinese. The reason for this lies to a great extent with the authoritarian rule of the foreign Kuomintang (KMT) which fled mainland China during the Chinese Civil War and set up government in Taiwan. There was martial law that lasted four decades and was discriminatory against the existing inhabitants of Taiwan. Mandarin, a foreign language, was imposed as the national language (國語) and all other languages were made illegal. The harsh rule over Taiwan was lifted in 1988 and began a new era in Taiwanese history when Lee Tenghui, a Taiwanese, became president. The first transition of power from the China-centric KMT occurred in 2000 when Taiwanese Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive Party won the presidential elections. He made efforts to push for Taiwan independence with statements that there are two nations across the Taiwan Strait; a push for plebiscite on independence; and the abolishment of the National Unification Council. Taiwanese opinion on independence is split between the northern and southern half of Taiwan which interestingly also divides the "mainlander" (外省人) in the north from the "Taiwanese" (本省人) in the south.


In the context that it does not matter much what their actual national origin is; it is their country of birth that counts. Like the precious status-quo of their national independence for Taiwan that the Taiwanese are holding tight on, i.e., "the "mainlander" (外省人) in the north from the "Taiwanese" (本省人) in the south, and that of both the Tibetan and Ughyr people in China's mainland have also struggled for, the modern V feel the same way today, understandably even more with lofty arrogance on taking pride in their long history fighting against mostly C invaders, of which their victories of having unprecedentedly defeated the Mongols 3 times in the 13th century (M) who triumphantly conquered and ruled China for nearly 100 years. They have sacrified a great deal to defend and keep the foreign forces at bay during the last 1080 years one generation after another. They do not even hide their territorial ambition over having succeeded in the historical acquisition of stretches of land south of the nation, one by one, that used to belong to the now extinct kingdoms of the whole Champa and, partly, of the Khmer.

For a linguist, sole elaboration on the political, cultural, and historical aspects of a language under survey is sufficient if the matters under discussion are considered as irrelevant to one another like those of MK and V for the reason that history of their development had been independent of each other until the last millenium. That is not the case between V and C at all. In the field of VS study it is more of the norms than not, one still needs a more comprehensive approach to cover all of the above plus other anthropological elements because they all are relevant and interrelated intimately; otherwise, one could not explain the cognateness of intimate or unrefined words in C and V, such as private human reproductive organs and sexual acts such as 'cu, cặt' 龜 guī, 'hĩm, lồn' 隂 yīn, 'đụ, đéo, bề' 嫖 piáo, etc., not to mention all other 'refined' words are of the same roots. Those similarities are the underlined genomes that gave rise to unique peculiarities that exist only in genetically affiliated languages, so to speak.

Their linguistic commonalities characterize all different dialects and sub-dialectal variants, exposing intrinsically shared features that could not be found in languages of different linguistic family. It is such uniqueness that also masks the true appearance of the same etyma since they possess so much likeness that could only be either used to posit as of the same root or discarded outright as loanwords because of their closeness. For example, 'đường' 糖 táng (sugar) vs. 'đàng' or 'đường' 唐 táng (path) are of the same origin, with the former as originated from a Yue root and the latter, /dang2/, highly likely from MC, respectively. You will see more of this kind of cognates later when we extend them further, each as component of dissyllabic and bisyllabic words as in "đáiđường" and "tiểuđường" 糖尿 tángniào (diabetic) where 尿 niào (SV niệu) are wholly cognate to both "tiểu" and "đái" and 尿尿 niàoniào can be postulated for "điđái" or baby 'pee pee' or '(go to) urinate'.

There exist so many fundamental words that carry similar patterns as such in bothe V and C. We, nevertheless, still cannot solely depend on etymological aspects to determine linguistic family affililation of related languages. We should also look at their characteristics and attributes as well. In this specific case, the word 'đường' with its make-ups could not be pronounced differently if they are not related at all. For eample, M 糖 táng /t'aŋ2/ as an alternate to an older form 'đàng' /daŋ2/ is not equal to 'đường' /dɨəŋ2/, a V doublet of 糖 táng, but M 'táng' must be from 'đường' [ɗɨə̤ŋ˨˩], undoubtedly a Yue word. Both forms are related then, but why is it "đường" and "táng" but not something else like /@#$%/ ? It is obvious that both SV forms 'Đàng' and 'Đường' are from 唐 Táng (Tang Dynasty). Etymologically, what signifies 唐 táng as 'đường' or 'đàng' to mean 'road' might be associative with 'path inside a palace'. Synonymously, postulation of the etymology of the word 道 dào (SV 'đạo' > VS 'đường', 'nẽo'...) as VS 'đường' is based on their corresponding pattern of /-owŋ/ ~ /-aw/ (cf. "đau" (pain) ~ 痛 tòng (SV thống)").

Let's put it in a different perspective, say, suppose that V were "English" and C language with its 7 major dialects considered as its core -- similar to those of Germanic, Greek, Roman, Latin, French loanwords in English -- V then could be treated in the same manner like any English in the framework of Indo-European (IE) lnguistic family (hence, for comparison purpose, analogously implied IE="Sino-Tibetan" and V = "English"). Such analogy is another way to substantiate the interrelationship of V with all C dialects on the TB linguistic tree, where TB herein equates with IE in this symposium.

That is also another way to suggest that should China be not a unified nation (say, "the Untied Nations of the Middle Kingdom") but its each province would remain sovereign as an individual European nation like what we have seen before the formation of the European Union (EU), then each dialect in Guangdong and Fujian provinces could not be called dialects but languages themselves as a matter of fact (analogously, cf. Danish, German, English, or Italian, Spanish, French, etc.) Reversely, for the same rationalization, if VN had not become an independent country and remained in China, there is no doubt that the Annamese language -- modern Hainanese still call it /a1nam2we5/ -- like Cantonese and Fukienese, would have been classed as one of C dialects by now in China as well.

Methodologically, while most renown sinologists in the West are trained with modern methological tools commonly utilized in Indo-European linguistic application, it is noted that their approach might not do justice to VS linguistic studies and their western linguistic principles would yield little help in understanding a 'strange language' (Bloomfield, 1933, p. 93). For example, syntactic concepts of inflective cases, i.e., accusative, nominative, dative, etc., in Latin, German, or Russian, are virtually non-existent in all Sinitic languages except for what appears only in the forms of reconstructed OC roots *-s as verb function (Bloomfield, 1933. p. 17). In the earlier period of French colonialization in VN, French linguists even mocked the Annamese language to the effect of "primitively having no grammar", so they had all those of V syntax put under the umbrella of French gammatical framework, e.g., different concepts such as parts of speech, verb conjugation, or tenses, etc., that are aggregately altogether absent in the V language or any C language for that matter.

Balancing compromises is the main step to do to achieve fairly the same degree of objectivity between what was rendered by those French pioneer linguists in the early 20th century -- such as Maspero and Haudricourt, who might neither give a thought about influential fact of nationalism nor feel the heat of C influence -- with Sinitic oriented academic work by V or C scholars -- such as Nguyễn Đình-Hoà, Lê Ngọc-Trụ, Wang Li (王力), or Chao Yuen-Ren (趙元任) -- given the limit beyond areas of their specialties. It is too bad, though, that those revered veterans are no longer with us in our time to disagree more with the author so that the new historical -- implicitly including both geographical and cultural as well -- framework on which the modified Sinitic theorization of VS etymology initiated in this research is based could be further strengthened.

One could not, nevertheless, shy away from analytic tools utilized in Indo-European methology while working historical linguistics. Long before recently, V home-grown scholars such as Bùi Khánh-Thế and Cao Xuân-Hạo, have finally sorted out and modified the whole western approach based on previous work done by those western pioneers as mentioned above. But all that appears to belong to mechanics, not of substance and nature of the V language (See Cao Xuân Hạo, 2009). Overall, that could be interpreted as the result of one's privately hold sentiment on irreconcilably nationalistic issues like what was elaborated in the previous chapter on politics. They are essentially the core matter of evaluation and cognizance of the origin of the V language. In any case, we all may be in agreement that it is those early linguists who have solidly set up monumental groundwork, or at least a movable springboard, for us to seriously continue the task in this VS linguistic field having started with the same western methodology and spirit, i.e., analytics and impartility, to say the least.

At the same time, by identifying shortcomings of previous works by pioneers in the field, the author proposes that certain concepts would fill in some vacancy with exotic categories lacking from them. For example, the issue of tone as a morphemic feature should be framed into lexemes with western syntactic flexible form to indicate tonal registred pitch. Let's associate that with the concept of toneme, specifically applied to tonality that exists largely in both C and V. A toneme can function as a primary morpheme suprasegmentally to differentiate lexical meanings, e.g., ye1, ye2, ye3, ye4, ye5, ye6, ye7, ye8, etc. Call each lexeme that is embeded with a tonene as a glosseme that goes with each syllable -- including a morpheme -- or a word. In English, the closest thing may be found in intonation, but that is for a phrase or sentence (see Moira Yip. 1990). Variant intonation of a similar lexeme or syllable /ye/ in English, autosegmentally, does not change the core meaning of it at all, even if it is embeded with any glosseme, say, 'yea?', Yeh?', yeh?', 'yes?', yep?', yah?', 'ya!', etc., given that what makes a word sound like a tonal one, i.e., stress, pitch, etc., is changes in its intonation, which makes the meaning change accordingly; however, in most cases, the basic meaning does not change much. In general, in the Indo-European languages, concept of such a lexical feature , tones, being perceived as pitch-registered segments, does not exist on the other side of equation. By the way, similarly, so does the Khmer language.

At the same time, common "laws" of sound changes, phonetically, applicable in Western linguistics, therefore, could not satisfactorily explain all phenomena of many irregular sound patterns. Overall, sound changes in V etyma could be evaluated in ad hoc bais, so to speak. For example, the Grimm's law of sound changes such as the Theory of the Great Shift that is proved to work well with the Germanic languages seems to have their limits in supporting etymological evidences by batches that would solidly purport claims of ST and VS etymological cognateness except for those applicable data in SV loanwords which characterize sound change patterns from C to V forms in a uniform fashion such /s-/ ~ /t-/, /c-/ ~ /th-/, etc.

As a matter of fact, in many plausible instances VS etyma could probably be discovered mostly by chance, not by "Grimms laws", or any laws for that matter, simply because their uniqueness does not fit well into cross-referenced patterns or, at least, the whole picture with those patterns that appear with high frequencies. In staging a case for that scenario, that is of C and VS corresponding patterns of the sound changes, the law appears to run rather erratically on VS side with syllabic values that have been proved to be regular in SV loanwords that carry similar phonemic forms aforementioned.

There are many reasons behind such phenomenom. The case could be that of the sound change pattern that shows one to many correspondences. When a polysyllabic form that have evolved from monosyllabicity along with associated tonemes, or tonal morphemes, all is affected by a complete change, for example, 教書 jiàoshū in the translating form as 'dạyhọc' (teach) it takes place of 教學 jiàoxué, an older form which is SV 'giáohọc', before it is symnonymously identified with VS 'dạyhọc' which has been a later development in modern M. Specifically in this associative sound change case, for the loss of the stopped ending /-wk/, 書 shū is identified with 學 xué for 'học' /hɔwk8/. In the meanwhile 教 jiào in modern M 教師 jiàoshī it gave rise to SV 'giáosư' and VS metathetical 'thầygiáo', that is, the latter is for the same concept 'teacher' with the syllabic forms being in reverse order.

With respect to C and V linguistic affiliation, justification of Sinitic to VS transformation seems to belong to a separate field of research with different sets of expertise which demands a high level of mastery of both C and V, in and out, not just collegiate linguistics. Western linguistic mechanics are just like the machine codes running behind modern computer operating systems (OS) in which language-specific applications (apps), analogously, the V and C languages that run on top of it, are not in computerese programmer's expertise but that of those localizers who know linguistic specifics in related languages, in that case, V etyma of C origin, which could be not only solely reconstructed by a rule of western linguistic methodology but also deep knowledge of classic C so that one could dig in those estranged and orphaned dialectal items or alternative lexical forms to find their root in the Kangxi Dictionary as well as the ability to cleverly extract an etymon that is buried deeply in some textual quotes scattering in some ancient book. For example, the notatation of 車 chē VS 'xe' (carriage) in 後漢書 HòuHànshū (Book of the Later Han) reads like 居 jū (SV cư) or */ku/ as indicated by the phonetic 古 */ku/ and that is equivalent to 'cộ' /ko6/ (rickshaw) which gives rise to "xecộ" to mean both 'cars' in general and specific 'rickshaw' in modern V.

Any V words that have roots found in C character bank could distance themselves a bit differently from what it might sound like in the ancient times. The changes could occur due to dialectal and historical factors depending on their popularity and frequency of usage even if they were derived from the same ideographic forms of character building principles. For instance, for the V concept of 'boat', the VS form 'tàu' appears to correspond to either 刀 dāo (SV đao), 舠 dāo (SV đao), 艘 sōu (SV tao), while 'đò' to 舟 zhōu (SV chu), with which we can reference to VS 'đỏ' 彤 tóng (SV đồng), etc.

In fact in the Kangxi Dictionary 康熙字典 there exist so many characters and words that are no longer in use such as other alternate forms and doublets, i.e., one concept with several various characters, e.g., for VS 'xanh' (blue) ~ 靑 qīng (SV thanh) ~ 清 qīng (SV thanh) vs. 'xanh' 倉 cāng (SV thương) ~ 滄 cāng (SV thương) ~ 蒼 cāng (SV thương), with which we can make references to the concept of 'trờixanh' (blue sky) # 青天 qīngtiān ~ 蒼天 cāngtiān (blue sky and the Spreme Almighty), etc. What is left in current repository of characters is selective picks at our disposal today. Under the modern romanized orthographic form of 'xanh', if we wish to pinpoint exactly the correct C etyma used in V, it is not easy to tell right away which C character has been selected. It could be the other way around, though, that a V character could be considered a dialectal form in Annam Prefecture and they were recorded in the Kangxi dictionary. Those characters would be difficult to be identified unless it is so mentioned discreetly.

After the 10th century onward, many exotic characters might exist in the V domain only. That was another parallel development after Annam's separation from the Middle Kingdom when the new V scripts emerge called the Nôm characters. In effect they were built from the same building blocks of solid C ideographs for which 'Annamite scholars' (NhàNho 安南儒家) had adapted.

Lexically, most of SV vocabularies are literary forms so their usages are always associated with written C characters, a high level system of ideograph-phoneticization, on which many characters are based, coined, or created. In the end some infrequently used words have become absolete as people adapted some other forms instead for actual usage.certain C words were modified semantically before they passed down to the next generations, such as derived SV "tửtế" 仔細 zǐxī for the concept of 'kindness' while its VS form as "kỹcàng" (a reduplicative bisyllabic word) to mean 'meticulous', "thấtlạc" (lost) 失落 shìluò vs. "lạcloài" (at loss), etc., along with other newly coined words or adapted in polysyllablic formation such as "lịchsự" 歷事 lìshì (polite), "íchkỷ" 益己 yìji (selfish), "khoảngthờigian" 一段時間 yiduànshíjiān' (a period of time), etc., probably long before the introduction of the current and modern romanized V orthography.

VS etyma could change in all shapes and sounds, so to speak. Coloquially, pronunciation of many words would have easily deviated from those contracted sandhi etyma originated from Latin writing systems, for example, 'rác' < 'rácrưới' < 垃圾 lāji (trash), 'đừng' < 甭 péng < 不用 bùyòng (do not), etc. Some SV forms with opposite syntactic order of the syllables in compound words co-exist and are put in use concurrently, such as "bảođảm" vs. "đảmbảo" 擔保 dànbăo ('guarantee), "lươngthiện" 善良 shànliáng vs. "thiệnlương" (kindhearted), "ácđộc" 惡毒 vs. "độcác" (vicious), "mẫuthân" 母親 mǔqīn vs. "thânmẫu" (mother) etc.

In any case, Sinitic impressions left deep marks in the VS vocabulary, much more than one could imagine. All their cognates seemingly point to the same origin where the V to C correspondences make them to appear as they were from the same root while specialists oftentimes consider those in V are C loanwords simply because they are so close. Newcomers in the field should be able to determine shared basic words in both C and V, of which their linguistic peculiarities may shed light on their ancestral roots, e.g., "charuột" 親爹 qīndiè (biological father), "mẹruột" 親母 qīnmǔ (biological mother), etc. Readers will see illustrations of some hard-to-find VS etyma in this paper along with those classic etyma long cited by pioneers in the VS field such as Maspero and Haudricourt in the early days. However, for some of the cited words by the latter two authors, there still existed innumerous irreconcilable issues left regarding their questionable Austroasitic roots that need to be straigthened out before they were plausibly posited in the right linguistic family.

Distribution of fundamental words can spread on a vast region to different linguistic familes, though. For example, it is not only the case of /mat/ (eye) uniformly appear in many Malay and MK languages as opposed to the cognateness of VS 'mắt' (eye) with C 目 mù (SV 'mục'), the etyma VS "máu" (blood) and C 衁 huáng (SV vong) are ones among others. For many of those cognates, eventually theorists in both AA-MK and ST-Yue camps would come to terms reckoning that it is indeed that those basic words actually originated from the same root that not only evolved into V but also spread widely accross multiple linguistic families as well.

For MK numbers found in V, as amusing as it seems to be, novices in the field settled with the idea that each AA MK cognate word in V is a caput and that is the core of the V language. Readers will eventually learn in the end that some basic words, including numbers, are more fundamental than others in different languages. That is to say, those basic words that are used to establish a genetic affiliation with another language in a linguistic family does not mean the same with others. Do not let the enraging AA waves to sweep off your feet. Be reserved to contrast opposite views presented by the AA, that predominate the internet, with counter-examples found in the next chapters. What is incited by new discoveries herein will support a counter view. You appreciate what is being elaborated here with ST historical etymological evidences presented in this paper that will take us all to go beyond the realm of the first five V numbers with MK for numerical cognateness is not necessarily dictate all languages containing them to be genetically affiliated. In fact, you will see that more than 90 percent of V common and fundermental words could be VS etyma. However, you need not to fall for my theorization on VS yet for the time being but at least new data will help you preprare for the defense of your ST stand if you already take one with your belief.

The idea that controversial issues of something V having to do with anything C are always a matter of delicacy is not new as mentioned before on numerous occasions. At all times for a larger majority of V populace, facts regarding certain C influences on their cultural life would be always downplayed and overwritten with depictions undoubtedly dampened by nationalism. To be honest nobody could argue with V militant nationalists, who are ready to fight in a real war physically, not just verbally, because they believe only in what fits into their existing mindset rather than things historical that incline to follow the C route.

Hidden political agenda, as a result, have deadly affected the course of V linguistic development as a result since the remote past. Thanks to current climate in the diplomatic relation between China and VN, political absurdity would once again play a critical role that will VS linguistics in the same PC arena. Let's examine a few cases to see how such factors have influenced academics all along from the ancient time. For example, words of the same nature are not that obvious since they could be of euphemism or taboo such as avoidance of word sounding more like names of kings, for example, "lợi" (利 'gain', name of King Lê Lợi) substituted by "lời" and "lãi". In the contemporary era, after a recommendation made by a politburo member regarding usage for more "purely V" vocabulary, selective syllables, frequency of VS "xelửa" (train) or "máybay" (airplane), or each individual word-syllable in within those two compounds for the same reason, has overtaken that of the forms of SV "hoảxa" or "phicơ", which used to be in common usage in the south before 1975, in modern V. Etymologically it is easy to recognize their obvious cognateness in those specific cases, though. Historically, however, such means of transportation were only introduced to VN by the French colonialists one after another in the early 20th century, so they are not a localized or translated word for such reason. Instead, while both compound words are apparently derived from C 火車 huǒchē and 飛機 fēijī, respectively, and, interestingly enough, they are in turn having Japanese origin.

Why should we care if V is C influential or not? Well, firstly, that is the core of the V language and that is what this paper is all about. Talking about the de facto C factors that influenced the shaping of today's VN is just like describing what the Romans, the Celts, the Anglos, or the Saxons did to England in ancient times (Palmer, 1972. p. 356) (英). . We could affirmatively state that C cultural and historical embeds are strikingly as impressive in all intimate facets in the life of the V as in their speech, exquisitely down to earth in every minute detail of unmistakenly peculiar linguistic choices of words. They are hitting home squarely right in discreetly intimate spots that govern cupids' life in fundamentally basic words, vulgarly or not, for instance, most of V words all cognate to those equivalents in C lexicons, etymologically, for straightforward sex talk of reproductive organs including their depictive functions, descriptive actions, and state of organism as well.

Let's quickly nail each C factor under a historical perspective with an analysis for what are in store for C dialects that also applies to V. Firstly, there are seven major C dialectal groups which are considered originated from MC and gave rise to over 900 sub-dialects spoken in China having been known so far (C-C Chang, cited by Moira Yip. 1990. pp. 202, 223) and each is mostly unintelligible to speakers of other dialects throughout their history of development, neither is it to another sub-dialect within its own dialectal group, e.g., Amoy vs. Hainanese or Tchiewchow in the same Minnan linguistic sub-family. They are related to each other only in a historical sense, so to speak.

In the meanwhile, while they consider themselves as the "Yueht people" (粵) and their languages collectively as "the Yuehtwa" (粵話), only the Cant.-speakers also like to call themselves "the Tang people" (唐人 /t'ong2jaijn2/), of which the latter statement suggests that their ancestors were descendants of the Tang-predominated subjects (Y)) who might have moved in en masse into today's Guandong region and further mixed with ancient natives (given the weight of X2Y3Z4H (交)) prior to the 10th century. Their amassed Middle-Chinese (MC) sub-dialects that were fully formed out of a Tang Dynasty speech on top of whatever had evolved from the Yue root regardless of the Han influence by then are known collectively as "the Tang language" (唐話 /t'ong2wah4/) with today's Guangzhou dialect being picked as representative since the early days.

For the same period, as subjects of the Tang Empire until the 10th century (Lü Shih-P'eng 呂士朋. 1964.), the ancient Annamese acquired MC the way that the ancient Cant. speakers did. The massive MC vocabulary had become the SV words over time and mixed with the priorly existing VS lexical stock since the Han-era. Altogether both sets of sinitized vocabularies made up the core of the V language long before Annam became a sovereignty. There is no coincidence that SV is just another side of the same MC dice, with the five other facets that could be seen as a variant form similar to Cant. sub-dialects, such as 台山 Táishan, 白話 Báihuà, 平話 Pínghuà, etc. That said, SV deeply shares MC with common linguistic features that also had concurrently made Cant. a sub-dialect out of the same Tang's dialects or languages. However, from the time the Tang Dynasty totally collapsed in 907 AD with the Annamese land's complete break-off from the Middle Kingdom's protectorate umbrella, the ancient Annamese language followed its own separate path that veered off the way that Cant. developed into a major C dialect for the reason that its speakers still lived inside the Middle Kingdom and bore tremendous influences that .

For over the next 1100 years or so after 907 AD, the Middle Kingdom changed hands with mostly northern kings who ruled and adopted their own spoken northern dialect as the official language for the mandarins in the imperial court and that lasts until the modern time (as of 2015, under the Xi Jinping's rule, all TV broadcasts are in Putonghuo, other dialects prohibited). As a result, the Cant. development became a local speech that was limited within a village or a township. As a result, except for younger generations who went schools and learn the national language, the older and lesser educated "Cantonese" generation would still probably be having difficulties in imitating those M phonemes correctly because marginally phonetic crossover between what is now known as C dialects of which each interferes with positional pronunciation, for example, the two major dialects of northern M and southern Cant., especially those sound with intials shown in pinyin as z-, zh-, ch-, c-, q-, j-, etc. With no exception, speakers of V would run into the same phonemic problem with variants in C phonology. So there is no surprise that those C morphs show up and become different phonemes in V phonology in return, e.g., V b vs. M p and b, etc. Such fact is manifested by modern modification and overcorrection made by those of today's V learners of Putonghua. In a similar development, speakers of a southern Yue-origin language such as Annamese or other C variant sub-dialects of a major dialect often encounter similar difficulties in articulating properly Mandarin (M), aka, the national standard Putonghua, especially with particular initials, phonetically.

In a very similar fashion as such, on the formation of the VS words, its diachronic C loanwords can also be 'mispelled' and mispronounced within the realm of V neighboring allophones, for instance, some of those equivalent obstruents in their language appear as historical d, t, th, g, k, etc., a series of historical events that occurred in the ancient Annamese land under the Han rule appears to be on par with what happened do those Minnan (Fukienese) sub-dialects such as Fuzhou, Amoy, Hainanese, etc. The process of AC and OC fusion with those dialects is parallel to what both OC had contributed to all other major AC dialects of the Western Han period as spoken by the people in the 3 kingdoms Wei, Shu, Wu (220–280) by the end of the Eastern Han era (25-220AD). In all probabilities, the ancestral Yue languages that had made up the proto-LuoYue (proto-Vietic) and proto-MinYue (proto-Minnan) languages must have contribute to the formation of the AC and OC.

Up to Annam's separation from the Tang Empire 907 and subsequently the NanHan State in 939, the young Annam State had went through a series of historical events that were similar to what occurred to the ancient Lingnan (嶺南) region of Canton, or modern Guangdong Province, after the NamViet Kingdom was annexed into the Han Empire in 111 BC. Their early Yue languages were under heavy influence of OC and AC spoken by the Han colonialists. In effect the ancient Vietic and proto-Cant. languages had long submerged and continued to in the Sinicized process before and after that period, the very same way as what happened to the Fukienese dialects. After Annam became a sovereignty after more than 1000 years under the rule of Middle Kingdom, the Canton region still remained within the phere of it for the next 1180 years, which made ancient Cant to have develop in its own way as a sinitized language much more like a descendant of the MC language. In the meanwhile, the independent Annam State completed her expansion further to the south by the early 18th century while having tried successfully to keep the traditional Chinese invaders at bay in the north. It had been only by then that the Chamic and MK elements that had penetrated into the earlier V language would become part of it which are widely known in the AA theory as od AA MK basic words.

That is to say, the history of VN from the ancient times was a part of the Middle Kingdom, which made the Sinitic-Yue core matter of historical V to have long existed before the Chamic and MK linguistic contacts. Their anthropological connections were dated at least way back at least 2300 years when the Qin State conquered entire CS. Literarily, it is no wonder that nowadays readers need a lot of help in comprehending 18th and older V literature since V started to change a lot, having gradually distanced itself with classic C and modified with French grammatical mechanisms of which linguistic structure provided modern V with new syntactic and semantic forms. In fact, for those V generations born in the mid-20th century, they know a lot of C classics from "Warring States of the Zhu Dynasty" to "Romance of the Three Kingdoms", not to mention their poets' mastery of Tang's metrical poetic rhyming rules, more than their Chinese counterparts. For those younger V of the contemporary era, they like more of TV series of remade C classics instead but that still shows common interests in history and anthropology in particular.

In terms of linguistic vintages of the formation of SV adopted from MC, in a similar fashion like what Latin and Greek impacted onto in many other languages of the Indo-European (IE) linguistic family such as English or French -- yet greatly in contrast with Latin's being as scholarly and classy as ancient C Wenyanwen (文言文) -- but the semantic and phonological aspects of the former two at a much more closely than those the latter. The essence of MC are mostly still alive and active in high frequency of usage in a manner that is so much more vigorously than expected. With some minor exceptions, modern sounds of each SV word have actually been well-preserved, funelled, and molded by strict sound change rules within an academic framework. In fact, SV pronunciation of C characters follows strictly C Fanqie 反切 (spelling) rules (S), including the categorized 4 of two-registered tone as specified in both syllabic parts, e.g.,

In other words, in SV, they are such pronounced as such because they were spelled out that way in C Fanqie.

It is noted that, interestingly, like its Cant. counterpart, scholarly SV vocabularies in V were not just limited to academics and literary work but also popular in colloquial speech as well, positively indispensable in daily conversation of the common mass Such a phenomenon could have an end result of emersion in some form of impeccable oral communication in some Tang's speech that became contagious to the general public in Giaochi prefecture, which led to the coinage of new concepts with both SV and derived VS elements, for example,

Etymologically, in a long and complex sentence one could possibly manage to make a complete V sentence with minimal SV words of original MC rootsby interpretatng or translating word by word and then re-arranging them per V speakers' habit, syntactically, from SV into VS of each word-concept, e.g., 'máybaylênthẳng' (helicopter) instead of 'phicơtrựcthăng' @# (associating each word in reverse order) <= 直升飛機 zhíshēngfēijī. The longer it is the less frequent a C element, e.g, of either SV or VS class, would appear. Note that for the late grammatical features adapted from the French language since 1868, a long, complex but coherent speech segment has now solidly taken roots in the V language. Besides, thanks to contemporary development recently under new grammatical structural imitations, firstly, from French and then English as of present, they have become de facto writing mechanics for building V sentences and paragraphs, such as complete sentence of { S + V + O } struture or "topic sentence", etc.

If passages of modern V writings based on the standard "Tuổitrẻ' dailies published in VN in the present day to be compared with those excerpts from those "Namphong" magazines written in newly adopted Latin orthorgraphy of the early days in the 1930s, readers will see what a big difference in both styles and grammar of the V language being in use. Even after 20 years of separation to have become the North and South VNs, vocabuaries used in the north tended to be more Sinitic-centric, i.e., more SV words, than what was being in use in the South. In contrast, as we all are entering the hi-tech era of the global internet, both spoken and literary SV forms are being spead quicker, though, in a much more uniform and consistent fashion than they were used to. What a great leap and bounce unimaginable to any great mind of the bygone era, in which horse tail and feather brushes were made available only to certain socially privileged circles that actually could afford them.

However, the SV lexical class is indispensable in the V language. Its usage exists in both speech and writing naturally in V to a degree that nobody could speak the language properly without utilizing the SV vocabulary set, scholarly or not, not to mention essential functional grammatical words (hưtự 虛辭) that were virtually derived from C. Phonologically, for cases that are fluctuating in articulation, lexemic nuclei tucked underneath almost every correspondent SV kernel would implicate its usage in the V spoken language by certain sound change rules, e.g., 'tràng' for 'trường' for 長 cháng, 'đàng' for 'đường' 唐 táng, 'đảm' for 'đởm' 擔 dàn, 'đàn' for 'đờn' 彈 tán, etc.

Virtually, if not all, entire V grammatical functional markers -- including particles and adverbs, prepositions and conjunctions, pronouns in relative clauses, along with its classifiers as well as "articles", etc. (We will see some example later.) -- called 虛詞 xūcí (SV hưtự), the actual links that connect words together coherently, are proven being derived from C. This is one among other strong cases that the author mentioned previously regarding the matter that cognates might occur cross languages (like AA-MK cognates) but 'peculiarities' happen only among the affliated languages of V and C, which determines if they are derived from the same roots.

Specifically, in this 'peculiar' case of 'xuci', should one avoid using one or more of that grammatical word in a sentence or even a clause or phrase, basically a V speech structure would then become a composite C classical-styled 'phrase' then (in a general sense, that is incomplete sentences in today's syntactic standards, such that some of them could evolve into common expressions later which usually appear in idiomatic phrases to the effects of 文言文 Wényánwén or literary classical style (文) where a complete sentence is 'composed' and C 'word' changes 'cases' in a grammatical order of composite structure, i.e., combining isolate words together, so to speak.

In V, the only exceptions for not to use a 'xuci' are deemed as those shortest V exclamational sentences which are mainly composed of one or two words, yet, one could probably only build them with words mostly of C origin, for example,


To go more in detail of what is described as a feature of "peculiarities", some other linguistic aspects in both C and V are also found common in a way such that their similarities could only characteristically of the same origin, for example, 'mắt' 目 M mù ('eye'), Hai. /mat7/, which marks it not of Malay origin then (Hai. is a sub-dialect of the Min dialect which descended from ancient MinYue languages,) so are other SV versions of the MC literary forms that coexist with VS derivatives of another C dialect, persistently all the times, e.g.

that is, they are not coincidental at all.

Note that in the examples above they are VS words that are still regarded as different from those correspondences in the SV vocabulary set but each complements the others. They are identified to belong to the older lexical layer of AC (OC) of an earlier period or, coloquially, of dialectal variants which vary a great deal as one moves away from a regional speech. Some VS words are standard with its "metropolitan" version representative of an isogloss, usually the "lightest" accented version of it, given that they are commonly spoken by educated people living in big cities. For example, for 看 kàn (look) in scholarly SV 'khán' /k'an5/, the "metropolitan" V Kinh people say "coi" /kɔj1/ (VS) vs. rural central V Quangnam sub-dialect /kə1/, and of course, all is relative, on the other side of scale, the Shanghainese say /k'ə25/, anyway.

Both classes, i.e., VS vs. SV, are actually products of the same historical linguistic development reflecting characteristics of either a certain particular era as dynasty changes or of regions where they were spoken. The process is similar to what occurred to the MinYue languages and the Yue (Cant.) sub-dialects, historically, with the former having been derived from the OC of Han Dynasty while the latter haing beenheavily influenced by popular speech of the Tang Dynasty continuously, all having been brought in by late immigrants from other northern regions, though. However, unlike those two Yue dialects that had almost totally been replaced or 'sinicized' as of now, ancient V emerged as an independent Yue language that laegely consists each set of VS and SV vocabularies as sole major C strains, but not sinicized to the point that it could be seen as a C dialect. For instance, most of V words are built with the syntax [noun + adjective], or the modified followed by a modifier, such as 'trờixanh' vs. '蒼天 cāngtiān (SV thươngthiên)' for the concept of 'blue' + 'sky (heaven)'.

Characteristically, it is for the same reason that C elements had permanently and prominently imprinted in every aspect of V so profoundly that each etymon, with their cognates shown close to each other apparently, they are oftentimes dismissed as a whole as a C loanword. The point to make here is that many etyma are of the same origin, not just from Chinese. In fact, when a V word closely carries all the shapes and sounds of an original form in a related C dialectal source so close morphemically, it is commonly for people to take it as a V word of C origin rather than both V and C form to have evolved from the same root, including those that belong to the basic group, for example, Hainanese /mat7/ 目 M mù ('eye') SV 'mục' vs. VS 'mắt', Cant. /t'aj5/ 睇 M dì vs. VS 'thấy' ('see'), etc. However, it is not always the case by solely basing on their subtle phonetic and phonological closeness for us to postulate a V word as a C loanword. The most obvious cases are those words so native to southern region, e.g., gạo 稻 dào (rice), dừa 椰 yě (coconut), đường 糖 táng (sugar), sông 江 jiāng (river), etc. Of course they are absolutely could not be C loanwords at all but from the same roots and the other way around is also true.

In a way the development of VN's national language parallels with the history of those earlier Viets who fled crushing advances from their powerful invaders from the north, giving up ancestral land up north and running to the south carrying a nation and her soul with them and exiled in other people's land. After her independence, starting from the 10th century onward they had become horrific aggressors themselves, ironically, having wiped off the Champa Kingdom from the 18th centuried Southeast Asia map completely and annexed all of its southern occupied territories. Like many other ethnic groups such as the Champic people, the Muong and the MK become a minority in VN at a much later period.

As they marched to the south, the Viets also carried with them their 'mother tongue'. They were the ancient Yue who had been increasingly becoming as genetically formulated as (4Y6Z8H+CMK), added with touches of some 'local flavors'. The linguistically 'local' concept is what was described by Bloomfileld (1933, p. 51) as dialectal area where a dialectal difference is small and the differences accumulate only when one travels in one direction. We could draw lines between places called isoglosses. Bloomfield called such a larger area as dialectal geography that furnishes a key to tackle some unknown issues -- for example, why MK numbers from 1 to 5 appear similar to those of V -- as they have been gradually being solved in many cases of Indo-European languages so far.

Throughout the 2-millenium long period, V appears to have picked up some local linguistic items along the way toward the south, which explains the existence of Chamic and MK words in the V language, for instance, "mô", "tê", "ri", "rứa", "chừ", etc., in V Hue dialect, as postulated by other academics as of Chamic origin. How is it to compare V sub-dialects to those Sinitic dialects accross VN's northern border in terms of 'local flavor'? (Think of Egglish vs. German in order to grasp the idea next.) Amusingly enough, on the scale of from the "lightest" to "heaviest" glides that tonal phonemes register an accented pike, the V northern pitches sound to V southerners' ears are somewhat amounted to what Cant. or Fukienese listeners hear natives of Beijing speaking Mandarin (a northern dialect version of 'Beijinghua'), which is the 'lightest' version, phomemically and phonologically, of a syllabically and tonally simplified 'language' as compared to those Mandarin original southwestern sub-dialects spoken by the Han C in Chengdu (Sichuan), Liuzhou (Guangxi), or Yueyang (Hunan) in CS. In other words, within the same dialect but to some degree, the northerneastern Mandarin sub-dialects are quite distinctive from their mirrored southwesthern variations spoken in the provinces of Sichuan, Jiangxi, Hunan, or Guangxi, that show 'heavy' southern accent.

The entire scenario of V dialects is quite different from the unintelligibility within sub-dialects of Cant. or Amoy, that is, Guangzhouhua to Toishanese, or, Fukienese to Hainanese, etc., but more like regional variants within a sub-diaclect, e.g., Haikou vs. Wenchang in Hainanese or Toishan vs. Guangzhou in Cant., etc.

In the case of VN's dialects, unlike scores of those sub-dialects of a major C dialect with each individually unintelligible to the other even within the same dialect aforementioned, in contrast, any regional V speech in general can be understood throughout the country. That is the direct result of movement of migrants going from north to south covering the length of roughly 2200 kilometers over the span of 2200 years, and should they be distributed evenly -- the time-space distrutive dramatized herein is for mnemonic reason -- one kilometer traverse per year. Analytically, with its gradual linguistic variation from one locality to the next one, and, reversely, to the previous one, each 'transitional sub-dialect' could be understood by people in other places, not just those within their vicinity. Their differences from with registered pitches either softened and laxed ("lightness") a bit in the north or the south but heavier concaved accents ("heaviness") in the central part.


Proto-Sino-Tibetan (pre-Chinese)

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All of the above, linguistic as well as racial factors, appears to have played their historical role in shaping the formation of V with ancient C residual vintages as expected under the perspective that ancient Annam used to be a part of China. Politically, VN is always regarded by C rulers at all times as a breakaway renegade prefecture -- Taiwan is a living case in our time, so to speak -- even though the last time it was under the rule of the Middle Kingdom dated back before 907. As the mainland of ancient China went through turmoil periods, after that year, Annam would continue to be a part of the "Great Yue" (大越) in 917 which later changed the state name to "Great Han" (大漢, or NanHan 南漢) the next year (918) because the king surname was Liu (劉) who thought he was descendant of Liu Bang, Li Bei, etc, of the Western and Eastern Han. Recognition of such geo-political tugs and twists as already discussed above is crucial to understand the affiliation of both V and C entities with all probabilities that there exists a continuation that interconnects the present V with C anthropologically.

Of course, one could not be more correct than saying the proto-C had nothing to do with the proto-Yue or proto-Viets. 'Chinese', as said, is a civlization, not a race. The differences are in the names. In the earliest pre-historic stage the proto-Tibetans were believed to be ancestors of the proto-C. Those proto-C horsemen conquered and mixed with the native Taic people to have emerged as the pre-C who would later intermingle with the Yue in the South, aka Nanman 南蠻, around 3000 B.C. Mixture of all habitants of the ancient mainland of China would later become subjects of other powerful emerging states in the Eastern Zhou period scattering all over pre-Han's territories. The ancient China could have been called Chu Empire of the Taic people instead of Han Empire for the subjects having come from their descendants, the Yue people, who made up the populace of the NanYue Kingdom. Just change the name calling and we will see their relations appear just like those of the VN's Kinh majority with other minorities such as Muong, Tay ethnic groups in VN that had existed for the last 1500 years.

For the better or worse the V have inherited the C culture after 1000 years under China's rule and they are eagerly to continue pass down, one generation after another, the Confucian values such as observance of the hierarchical line that requires their subjects obey, firstly, their ruler, secondly, their mentors, and, lastly, their father (君師父). That is where our messiness arises; the V people have been taught to obey by the sate all along. Interestingly enough, by any standards, however demeaning such C legacy -- Confucius ideas -- would turn out to be, our nationalists, as previously discussed, undoubtedly still accept and value whatevever Confucianism in disguise has to offer. It protects the ruling class and its supporting echelons, that is, they are born to listen and obey orders from the authority.

Such a mindset could be explained by way of anthropology that their brains have been genetically programmed as such, for instance, for practical reasons they would never question its spiritual values in respective family genealogy. In effect, evidences of that manifest in their preference of more male descendants so that their heirs do not fail to carry down a family surname. It is one of major C cultural characteristics that the V also deeply share. That said, in a larger view of collective unconsciousness that is buried in the back of the V people as a whole, their family lineage then could be traced back to native ancestors not limited to the region of northernmost VN where the ancient Vănlang State was initially established, but it originally stationed in CS where the BaiYue 百越 were once inhabiting there; in other words, their ancestral birthplace were not in the Indo-Chinese penisular where native people did not have the custom to carry their family surname. When we talk historical linguistics, that also means we speak of anthropology.

Besides the overall transformation of cultural tradition such as adopting C names and the likes had deeper roots in C civilization throughout the history of development of the old Annam, genealogically, descendants of those northern resettlers from the mainland of China to the southernmost prefecture -- now located in the eastern region of today's North VN -- continued on with their own children who carried C last names one generation after another. Those are actually only parts of a subset of an even larger ancestral pool of hundreds of family surnames that made up the melting pot Yue-Han, i.e., Chu-Han 楚漢, in China South.

Speaking of the northern genetic affiliation, racial factions that made up China distributed equally to the early Annamese land until the collapse of the Tang's Dynasty in 907 AD. As the ancient VN expanded further to the south, only then did she absorb more of the southern racial components into the melting pot the V people, consisting of lighter-skinned populace in the north and darker one in the south. In effect, altogether the late factors joined those of the non-Han of earlier historical periods such as the NanYue, the Chu, the Qin, etc., because they reflected not only in different family surnames of most V nationals but also -- except for a few cases of name changes due to identity hideouts or being regarded as a taboo -- setting in the tones for V personal proper names as well. Semantically "textures" of those given names sound 'light', very similar to those bearing C names in the Tang's era, such as 'Lý Thế-Dân' 李世民 Lǐ Shìmín or Dương Ngọc-Hoàn 楊玉環 Yáng Yuìhuán -- as apposed to 'rough' C names which sound foreign to the V ears, such as 'Hồ Cẩm-Đào' 胡錦濤 Hú Jǐntào, 'Tập Cận-Bình' 習近平 Xí Jinpíng, or even Hồ Chí-Minh.

In terms of geo-polical perspective, many of them were included in the tally of population statistics under the Great Tang Empire that totaled nearly 42 million people altogether as of 726 AD (Bo Yang. 1983-1993. Ibid. Vol. 51. 1991. p. 86). WIth respect to the latter matter, in 763 AD, unimaginably, however, the overall population had greatly decreased to 17 million after only a little more than 12 year war fighting against An Lu Shan (安祿山) Rebellion (Bo Yang. 1983-1993. Ibid. Vol. 53. 1991. p.214). Such statistics was not unrealistic as one realizes that in China's history thousands of people were slaugtered on a grand scale in each major battle in any C wars. For example, in 878, the Tang's troops eradicated 50,000 rebels in the Huangmei (黃梅) battle against the Huangjiao uprising . ( Xu Liting, 1981. p. 217)(一)

For the same matter, there had been no reports of changes in the population of the Tang's Annam Protectorate as it might have barely escaped from the killing craze in the slaughter house up north. Note that in the Western Han's Jiaozhou Prefecture (交州 Giaochâu) the number of the Annamese population around that time was recorded at about 900,000 heads, many of whom were descendants of more than 50,000 local women who were forced to marry the Qin soldiers in the earlier period that could easily grow up to 150,000 given an average 3 racially-mixed children per couple within the first generation. Of course, that number would have multiplied over time exponentially long before the beginning of the first century. Similarly, 1000 years later as a part of the Tang Empire for the last 300 years, there could be even more additional Annamese who descended from those children fathered by thousands of C infantry stationed in the Annam Prefecture in addition to many more immigrants from the mainland who came and chose to resettle there permanently, and they themselves likely to get married with local people throughout the 1000 year-long colonial period that lasted until 939. That was how thing happened during the advancement of the new V settlers to the south into the annexed land Champa and Khmer kingdoms since the 13th century.(E)

Analogously, in Singapore and Taiwan, in terms of racial ratio of which their standing is where VN stood more than 1000 years ago, the same process is currently taking place. Except for the fact that in our modern era with advanced communication media such as that of the internet or mobile phone, that means, linguistically, down the road there will be not much noticeable changes in the modern Mandarin language that they are speaking now. In other words, ancient Annam must have gone through much more complicated over 2200 years ago.

Besides those historical evidences cited throughout in this research coupled with other apparent C linguistic properties existing in V, historical linguists will still have to deal with other complex semantic issues rather than sole phonetic changes. Variations from C elements other than those identifiable C cultural aspects could pose formidable obstacles such as in positing words of kinship which appear to be from C but we could not find them in those major dialects. What that means is our Sinologists must dig hard deeply into other peculiarities of some 900 C sub-dialects to look for them, for instance, basic words used in calling close blood relatives such as 'ôngnội' (內公 nèigōng?) as apposed to 'ôngngoại' /#外公 wàigōng and 'bànội' (內婆 nèibó?) vs. 'bàngoại' #外婆 wàibó, of which the former two words, respectively, do not exist in the modern C. For all of the above, it is possible, logically, as there existed words such as 天公 tiāngōng (VS 'ÔngTrời) for 'the Supreme Creator' as apposed to 地公 dìgōng (ÔngĐịa) for 'the Earthly God'. In the meanwhile, other items such as terms of endearment and intimacy, etc., words used in C kinship and affiliation evidently point to the whole the genealogical line that indeed makes up the racial balance of the V populace, e.g., 'tía' 爹 diè (daddy) vs. 'cha', or 'ba' 爸 bā (papa) vs. 'bố' 父 fù (father), 'nạ' 娘 niáng (mommy) vs. 'mẹ', 'mợ' vs. 'mụ' for 母 mǔ (mother), etc., all of which only exist in C and V. In other words, it is formidable for anyone to find similar items in any cited AA languages of the same nature such as the cases of 'mắt' (eye), 'bươmbướm' (butterfly), etc.

The matter appears to be as simple and straightforward once similar issues like those identifiable items such as 首 shǒu for VS 'sọ' (cranium), 足 zú for VS 'đủ' (enough), etc., but it turns complicated in other cases, for example, archaic VM */dak7/ means modern V /nɨək7/ and variant /nak7/ (water) which could be posited with C 水 shuǐ (SV thuỷ) [ cf. 踏 tă for 'đạp' (trample), and possible doublet 'chà' which makes 'chà+đạp' (trample on) ] In some other case, it is an uneasy topic for those locally-grown V scholars to handle impartially in a professional manner, say, many of them have a hard time to digest the idea that 'Chinese' is a civilization instead of 'race', that is, there had been no 'Chinese', at least conceptually, prior to the emergence of a unified Qin Dynasty (秦朝), the first unified empire of all C entities (221 BC to 207 BC). Historically, the V refers to them as 'Tàu' for the SV term 'Tần', for which there might have been existed mumerous similar pronunciations the archaic 秦 Qin, a degrading term that might have been shared by subjects of those old states in the Warring Period (475 BC - 221 BC) of which all the latter states were later totally eradicated by the former one.

To sum up, in terms of 'race', today's V 'composite' popuplace consists mainly of the Kinh majority. The argument is analogous to what the 'combo' Han 'race' means to other minorities in China. The author has discussed at length that all the other ethnic minority in both countires now were descendants of the Yue natives, who partly made up both the Han and Viets. The racially-mixed Han or Yue for the same matter emigrated southward away from CS region and submerged into the Kinh mainstream. They altogether with local people, such as the Muong (those separately as a minority group not identified with the Kinh majority in the govermental census), the Chamic, the MK people, etc., make up 52 other minority groups scattering in most VN's remote mountainous regions, like the Muong living in Hoabinh Province, the MK in the Central Highland Plateau and in the southermost region, the Cham in the Central coastline townships, along with those ethnic groups living in the northwestern border areas currently shared by both China and VN consisting of the Tày (Daic 傣族), Nùng (Zhuang 壯族), Mèo (Miao 苗族), Thái (Shui 水族), etc.

Unlike those minorities, the Kinh majority is not racially pure in terms of Yue indigenity; they are actually of a mixture of all of them plus the influx of immigrants of all walks of life from CS (4Y6Z8H+CMK), of whom many aforesaid early immigrants had already been of mixed race bearing their own C family surnames, who had been in turn of another blend of 'Hundred Yue' (百越民族) that had been also a part of both the "Chu" and "Han" before the Han conquered NamViet Kingdom in 111 BC. Since then, the early V forefathers had evolved, mixture of the locals, C colonists, infantry, and immigrants for hundreds of years ago until lately.

There are many ways to elaborate on mistakes made in identifying a biological line of people and their languages, especfically one for the other among V and C. The situation is less likely might to occur in Japan or Korea where C ethnics still stand apart. Similarly, for an affiliated C connection in Indonesia or Malaysia, people of C minority are distinctive even though in many cases several generations have passed by since the time their great-grandparents set their feet on those foreign shores and they even adopted the Indonesian last names by laws. In Malaysia, even the populace of C ethnic minority have grown up to approximate 30 percent of the overall population, they are still considered as of C descents and cannot part take in many governmental posts.

Numbers of people having composition of "Chinese" genes in their blood are more closely comparable to the situation that make up the populace in Taiwan (formerly Formosa). The Taiwanese having C racial mixture with the aborigines on the island have made up the total population overall. In the 17th century, massive numbers of Fukienese laborers from mainland China crossed the Taiwan Strait to find manual work in Dutch plantations on the island. In 1949 after the Kuomingtang government lead by Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek was defeated by the communists, mainland's C refugees followed its defeated foot soldiers and officials to flee to the island and stationed there. The indigenous people were quickly absorbed into the even larger C ethnicity pool, many through intermarriages. For the last 25 years as of 2015, besides other nationallties throughout Southeast Asian Countries, approximately 180 thousand or so had been married to Taiwan.

The whole Taiwan's anthropological experience with all the events that have happened in the island nation for the last 350 years was in much lesser magnitude as compared to what VN has gone through to accommodate hundreds of thousand C immigrants since the time she was still a prefecture of China. It is no need to explain why all those earlier C immigrants actually had become an undistinguished part of the V popuplace. In the 16th century massive 50,000 of Ming's subjects fleeing from the mainland of China after the Manchurian invaders took power over there and resettled in the southern provinces of VN, places where those V who look more like C but speak V like natives are more likely them, usually identifiable as "Minhhương" (subjects of the Ming) people which comsist of many Tchiewchow dialect speakers and their family surnames are barely different from the rest of the Kinh majority.

For the same matter, V family surnames are identical to most of the C in naming covention and connotation, semantically very similar to MC phonology and tonality. Interestingly, many names still retain the Han style, composed mainly of surname and given name. Beyond practical purposes of filing official forms, only those recent C immigrants freshly off the boats in much less than a century ago, literally, are identified in the contemporary national census as the "Hoa" (華) ethnicity, mostly Canonese, Fukienese, Hainanese, and a few Hokkienese or Hakka speakers, which totaled about 900 thousand people. In our modern time, on a practical note, descents of the third or fourth generation of the Hoa (華) ethnicity in VN mostly check 'Vietnamese' box in the census survey when asked of their nationality of origin. The author did the same thing for his household members in the last 3 US census surveys. His son did check "Vietnamese" on all applications to US colleges even though his mother is also of Chinese descent.

Racial issues, in reality, underline much more complications than those of linguistic subtleties alone such as what is in one's own surnames, e.g., V "Huỳnh" or "Hoàng" for C 黃 Huáng, "Vũ" or "Võ" for C 武 Wǔ, etc. Physically and visually, a V national could be mistaken for a southern C person and vice versa in China's provinces of Guangxi, Hunan, Jiangxi, Guangdong. The phenomenon is observable not only in China but in other countries as well. Unless you do not put a group of northern Beijing students having just recently arrived side by side with those V youth coming from the sunshine southern California for comparison, perceptionally on the surface anyone can miserably fail to recognize most of the V standing in the crowd among those C youngsters posing for school pictures in some US city. For the most parts they are presumed to be of C origin before being positively identified otherwise. Personally the author often incorrectly does so, say, in a public gathering or crowd in chinatowns across North America's cities. In other words, by a mere look, V and C youngsters who were born and raised the western countries are not easy to be distinguished from each other.

Moreover, unlike 'American caucasians' in Europe among other white Europeans, it is almost impossible out of a sudden to tell V lone travelers amidst those C locals in markets or restaurants in any cities in China. Any V visitor to China might already have such a personal experience; they are unavoidably mistakenly thought as of 'their own kind' who might be assumed to come from other parts of China. Again, the author was often misken as visitor from Guangdong in Beijing for having a dark complexion and being able to speak non-native accented Mandarin. Readers can personally observe such phenomenon by visiting and watch quality video clips of V music concerts produced by Asia Entertainment Channel (Asia 76, 75, 74...), Vanson shows in Vietnam, or Paris by Night 110, 109, 108, etc., and observe those artists who performed you will still have a hard time to pinpoint which singers completely do not look like a Chinese. The V Kinh people become habituated individuals of Chinese descents without much indiscrimination. So are C Vienamese.

Anthropologically, two phenomena could be easily observed on the behaviors by overseas C from VN living abroad, especially in western countries. In big cities in the US, overseas C from VN, firstly -- like the way Koreans hate the Japanese imperialists who occupied their country in the past but in the back of their mind they are more likely than not drawn to gather among Japanese settings, for example, they tend to establish their business presence in Japantown instead of Chinanatown -- their shops have been mostly opened it in either Chinatown or Little Saigon town rather than in Japantown or Koreatown. Secondly, they enjoy to mingle with other fellowmen from VN, including overseas V, rather than with those C expats from Hong, Taiwan, or mainland China. The point raised here is that of the 4 countries that were built on Confucian values, as opposed to capitalism or socialism, their people are still conciously attracted to those who seem to be compatible to each other in terms of racial affiliation, so to speak.


Linguistically, sounds of a toneless foreign speech spoken by either a Japanese or Korean are undoubtedly peculiarly distinct even to the untrained ears of a C or V, with an interesting fact that both the Japanese and Korean historically had systematically amassed a larger amount of C vocabularies for their own use, having purportedly borrowed a complete set of common C characters from the long identified past until recently. When hearing a C speak his or her dialect on the other side of the room in a ball, for example, a V firstly needs to listen and concentrate, very hard, in order to tell if it is not another V sub-dialect, partly because the pitch levels of tonality of their languages sound so familar as one of the kind. Westerners oftentimes mistake Cant. for V for the same reason. The author's wife, a 'Hainanese-Han' (海南人), speaking some Cant., commented the same thing when she had first heard V. If we could suppose Mandarin were English, then German would play the role of Cant. and Dutch could become V in the linguistic perception guessing game.

Races and languages

It is noted that sometimes races and languages of a people may not be related at all. Some Asian countries such as India or Singapore, adopt English as their national languages and so do countries of Latin America that adopt a complete set of a non-native language, namely, Spanish, portugese, or English, for the convenience of their unified national communication. That phenomenon is comparable to the what happened to the Middle Kingdom from the ancient times for what it was known as Mandarin. In the former case, for some Latinos or India's nationals, even those with Spanish or Indo-European origin, they are not completely up to the language they speak. For example, there were reports that the earlier Apple's iPhone voice recognition apps tend to recognize English spoken by an English speaker of Indian descent better than a US-born person. That is easy to understand for English is spoken with varieties of acccents in different places of the world. Some Indians in certain regions speak their own English "dialect" that is hard to understand for English as a second language learners.

The relevency of the passage above to the case of ancient Vietnamese since 111 BC is that the local people could have spoken some kind of lingua-franca to communicate with northerners, i.e., the Han colonists, until it become V as we here today.

In the case of VN, however, in terms of ethnicity, for the Kinh majority, issues of unresolved mystically genetic affiliation with the historical C-Han mixture is a matter of debate. Could the race issue be finalized if scientific DNA maps come out? That may not be the case, though. If we look into the end results of scientific studies of DNA that have been done on the Taiwanese model, there is always something else involved, a mixed result with human emotion.

It is assumably that those mixed genes carried inside the V people's blood are compatible with the racial composition of the 'Han-Chinese' with sinicized descendants of ancient MinYue (閩越) and OuYue (歐越) natives within the peripherals of all China's southern provinces of Fujian, Guangdong, Hunan, orGuangxi, etc., before the Tang and Song dynasties. After invasions and long occupation by the Tartarian, Mongolian, and Altaic people from northern China, make-ups of C became more distinct in China. The northern C became much more different from those resided further to the south who, as many a time emphasized, were actually descendants of sinicized Yue natives (herein perceptionally coded as X2Y3Z4H), that is, their genes had mixed with earlier Taic people of Chu State in addition to those Yue living in the habitat of the late NamViet Kingdom (南越王國). As a result, those sinicized populace in the CS region still remain certain traits in their physical appearances that cannot be mistaken with other northern C from Shaanxi, Shanxi, Shandong, or Beijing, etc.

1200 years after Tibet had been annexed to China by the Tang Dynasty, Tibet is still uniquely Tibetan for culturally its and that of China are incompatible as not many Han people moved and reseltted there in the ancient times. On the contrary, Taiwan with less than 350 years of having connection with the mainland of China but the influx of immigrants from Fujian Province whose ancestors had been sinicized starting 2200 years ago outnumbered the Taiwan's natives of Austronesian origin. Which case, Tibetan's or Thaiwan's, is parallel to that of VN? Any answer must take into consideration the fact that since 111 BC VN had been a prefecture of China for more than 1000 years and after her independence in 939 AD C immigrants have immigrated and resttled in the Annamese land that is now called "Vietnam", which means "the Southern Yue".

For illustrations, read the episode that follows. You may notice that the details described below are to elevate your understanding of cases of V émigrés out of their homeland across the vast Pacific Ocean to North America in our modern time, analogous to stories about similar journeys of the Yue people over the rugged Lingnan mountainous ranges out of their native China South land fleeing further to south of VN's Tonkin areas more than 2000 years ago. That was how the nation of VN had come into being after the NamViet Kingdom was annexed into the greater Han territory in 111 BC. In a similar fashion, the V language affirmatively tells the same story regardless of what one would wish it could turn out to be since there existed only one road leading to the becoming of it, there being no other way. On the sideline, it would be no longer an issue of how a V nationalist militant, who is a part of the whole picture anyway, is going to digest historical facts presented herein that are good enough to win their backing. Before now up until reading this far some readers in the nationalist camp might already start thinking of jumping on the bandwagon going the long and rugged ST road. You may already see the reason why under a nationalist scope, politically speaking.

Let's take you to a place in America where mistaking identities frequently occur between a person of V or C origin. I am a regular customer of a thriving V cafe in Chinatown in Oakland, California, recognize and have interacted with some employees working there. I love to eat the V food they prepare, and talk to them with a remark or comment and hear their responses now and then. I recognize those who are working there, except for the cooks prominently being V, and a Mexican helper and an American son-in-law, the store's owner and the rest of employees are half-and-half ethnically in the sense that they are of "Chinese" ancestry. They were refugees from VN since 1975. Historically it is known that, for many generations already, their ancestors were also refugees from the collapsing Ming Empire, fleeing the Manchurians to VN in the 17th century, many being C Tchiewchow speakers. In real life they have been heard talking in different C dialects with different local C customers. What actually identifies them with V nowadays is that they are in social intercourse with their V fellow countrymen, talk and behave like any natives of VN, such as idolizing V pop singers, for example. Figuratively all of the above represents a complete picture of ethnological components in VN's racial and cultural make-ups, including V.

In all probabilities, as a customer of that cafe shop I have never questioned the authenticity of the tasty food they cook, presumably V cuisine, some with obviously C-styled items but you eat them like any V dishes anyway. Mostly those C plates are prepared with the same ingredients and cooking process as are being used in C culinary such as herbal seasonings such as anise and cinnamon, with an exception that they are usually being seasoned with sprinkles of fish sauce, though. In all I enjoy their cooking with those tasty dishes at the eatery. Isn't it that makes that restaurant to stand out in comparison with those made by other C restaurants nearby not doing as that good business as my favarite cafe?

You appreciate all those C-seasoned V dishes – or C food with V-accentuated seasonings, e.g., anchovy sauce, lemongrasses, or basils, etc., for that matter – as you do with those of southern-style dishes of Khmer origin, adding up a bit more of sweet and sour taste. All said, metaphorically, the whole picture is comparable to that of how VN has come into being with all the racial and linguistic mixtures from north to south throughout the length of her history.

The whole scenario above is depicted with those of a C background who, themselves or their offsprings, have contributed to the racial composition of the V people as well as the language. In other words, VN is just another cultural sub-domain of a larger Sinitic domain in a sense that V individuals already getting used to vall and be called by somebody with both the surname and given name all undeniably all having C origin but they just naturally respond with no questions asked, which has in fact become a part of our nature, which is regarded as cultural and linguistic heritage.

In the story above, the existing VS words that we speak are living parts of nature just like the food we eat and the air we breathe in such a natural way that we react without even questioning the 'foreign Sinitic' nature of them. Everything comes and goes so naturally and smoothly. Analogously, compared to what we might still remember how we had reacted when we had happened to notice and admired how fluently a young German salesperson in a store somewhere in Germary speaks English, just like a Britain's native. However, don't you realize that we as a civilized society have hardly done so with those V of C descents? It is because we expected them to speak V like a native as parts of the multilingual service persons in the V cafe above and took it for granted that it was natural for them to acquire V with native fluency, that is, you only paid attention to those German sale clerks or some one of a kind American comedian or pop singer who can talk and sing in V? In actuality I myself admire the employees with the ability switch back and forth with ease from V to other different C dialects, unconsciously and naturally.

For those Vietnamese of Chinese origin who could not speak V properly, they are indiscriminately classed as members of the C minority group living within the VN's perimeters. In a general sense, though, they are a portion of the VN's population prior to 1979 before their mass exodus out of the country as boatpeople. Up until now once in a while in some Vietnamese TV sitcoms, they have been mocked by comedians who imitated, innocently, yet shamefully, -- we do not do so in a civilized society -- mimicry of V uttered by those Chinese-Vietnamese. For those who are not of the same camp living back there in the backward VN, take a note that such behavorial display is intolerable here in the US, even a prominent public figure who does so could fall into eternal disgrace.

Let's peek into your social circles and you may gradually realize that many acquaintances in your close V social network happen to be of C origin as you might never notice before. If you already did so, you have not paid much attention to the matter seriously and your ancestors might be one of them. That whole scenario is how innumerous C immigrants all around to have become V nationals in the process. Now that toward those C friends, we all as a V sciety absolutely have no discriminative or hard feelings about them symply for the reason that they could be one of you. Many of you may have come from such family background and become a national of VN as a result. For instance, only one among tens of thousands that makes a good pop singer, and the author notice that many of them might have recent C origin based on their particular last names. (See APPENDIX L)

On the formation of the national identity, like our own nativity, people have no control over what has become of the history of their country. We, as a society as a whole, could muddy our personal perception of our objective surrounding with our prejudice. For V in our contemporary era, including also V diasporas, they were born and associated with C substantiality in V cultural values that have taken deep roots in the V society for more than two millenia. Imagine we were back in time more than 1000 to 2200 years ago when portions of the ancestral Viets started to move out of the CS region and kept moving southward accross 16th parallel into the newly acquired territories from the Kingdom of Champa in the 12th century and they finally resettled in the current geographical southern planks. The 18th century witnessed their last emigration, that was independent of previously earlier migratory movements, toward the Southeast Asian peninsular rims where MK people had all ready lived there.

Along the their migratory path the early Viets might come accross many of their own kind – including those in exile, like in the case of the V cafe as dramatized above – with whom they all usually communicate in V and have never discerned slight Sinitic elements in everything interactive around them that they have been so accustomed to, notably the V language as a common bond for socialization. There is no reason to shed doubts about them and the authenticity of the mother tongue and the vocables they utter without the consciousness that those VS words have blended well like mixture of air and water, naturally.

The anecdote above with the inclusion of Taiwan into the whole picture for illustration – by any measure, it even has experienced less with China than what VN had gone through, not to mention all other prehistoric contacts from the ancient times throughout those periods recorded in history as applicable to both locales – are intentionally prepared and tailored discreetly for both of those historically-conscious V diaspora and fellow citizens back home who, normally viewed as hard-core nationalists, have become weary and would stubbornly refuse to buy any ideas from Sinitic proposals.

For the V, patriotism is not something abstract but a matter of survival that their forefathers and themselves have made in all wars against their C archenemy. Such a statement is not an exaggeration at all if one takes a look at the China's political map and study its history. VN is always in the state of preparing for her next war even when both countries are in détente. In fact, whenever a C dynasty outgrows its older shell to evolved into a significant power, its rulers would get back to those "renegade prefectures still at large" and "Annam" is the first on their list. For all provocative acts such as its initiating border wars against VN on land (1979) and at seas (1974, 1984), China's chauvinism has lived on well into the 21st century. In May, 2014 when China moved its oil-rigs into the disputed region of Spratly islands, local V workers in plants own by the C inside the country simultaneously broke out with uncontrollable outbursts which turned into deadly forces with violent riots that spread to more than 100 factories that burned down or vandalized. As recently as of 2015, China began building navy bases on disputed islands in the South China Sea where it has unilateraly exerting its territorial claims.

What does all of the above have to do with academic realm such as this linguistic research? Both C and V politics are all about historical fabrications. Western academics would hardly understand it and do not feel confortable to put their feet into such hot water. For those locally grown V scholars, they could not afford trade in their nationalism for the the so-called scholastic objectivity because that will constitutes as a compromise of patriotism by easily accepting prominent C cultural factors in their research. In short most of V scholars are of the type too naughty to submit themselves to any C exertion on topics that would disaccord with their belief. Confucian values, unfortunately, dominate every aspect of V culture, of which rigidly intrinsic elements govern each and every V from birth. Such unbending attitude could only distance themselves further from the academic neutrality that is really necessary in fact findings.

Historically certain things are undeniable truths: (1) Chinese is a culture not a race, (2) China is a muti-racial nation of of unified ancient states, (3) one of which separated from the union and has become an independent country since 939

Given their mistrust of China's past and present, VN feels strongly sentimental on historical issues and quick to react unfavorably to any C centric arguments, either linguistically or anthropologically. Unsurprisingly, home-groomed scholars do not go with the Sino-politics. Their treatment of the country's history is always instrumental in protecting a nationalist ideal so that it could not to be easily shadowed by C historical records. Building awareness of objectivity in academic domain, therefore, has long been in limbo due to nature of stubbornness that exists in their circle of intelligentsia. As you wiil see later, some non-V authors have made any milestone breakthough by taking such approach but they are not reckoned accordingly.

For those readers who do not believe in apolitical history, the author is going to solicit understanding from readers for his unpopular viewpoint presented in this research so that it could take off from its shelf without the need to engage in a fight the way a C proverb postulates that 'we would have not recognized each other if we did not fight' ("不打不相識"). In the past, for all the attacks that had occurred he did not fight back against those critics appearing on the internet, though. He focused only on refining his work. However, it is no point for the author to incur more time beating around the bushes with those nationalist fanatics. Let's the core of a V proverb that goes as 'Let's better offend first then please each other later' ("Mấtlòng trước đượclòng sau") to prevail by putting all the political cards on the table. History is history and linguistics linguistics.
As the organs of the regime the V scholars have always been behaving exactly the same way working to that effect. Unlike their peers in western countries, it is difficult for them to appreciate what it means for academics to be free of politics no matter what. Politics would eventually nullify the authenticity of their accomplishment.

For some well-founded reason, firstly, the author also purposely writes this paper in English in order to seek understanding from learned readers on the V language, a bold venture in an uncleared land-mined field that he has been anxiously tiptoeing hoping for the best. He will fight and work to defend his belief. He already knows the fate of all other efforts taking the ST path. More often than not, the V linguistic circle already shuns and deplores revelation about the hereditary affiliation between the V and C languages. Such a biased view would not deter the author's determination to forge forward with an altruist heart, though. If any recognition is to be conferred upon the author's work at all, as in many precedent cases, such a significant event would likely happen only after his death. The purpose of having written this paper in English is for the sake of keeping certain people at bay, that is, not to let them to fully partake until somebody is crazy enough to translate this paper into V. At least for the time being the author still does not want to deal with overt hatred from some nationalist fanatics, to be exact, the uneducated fellows. Their behavior is a product of socialism in modern VN that that will not change any time soon in our lifetime.

Surprisingly, however, the irony is that my true allies, unexpectedly, happen to be those western specialists in the AA camp who are open and patient enough to hear what I have to say on subject matter of ST linguistic affiliation of the V language. The problem is, then, though, that those listeners are still not convinced enough with my Sinitic hypothesis probably for a couple of reasons that I could think of, that is, (1) my reconstruction of ancient phonology may appear to be faulty, unconventional, such as tabulations of corespondences of multiple sound values assigned to have evolved from the root without any further proof, for instance, (2) western linguists are still being so rigid in adjusting their western methodology to make their sound change rules work for tonal languages, or simply, (3) I just do not know how to package and sell my ideas.

While reading this paper, as a reader, try not to let your personal sentiment to cloud your judgment for the sake of saving your sanity. New finds of VS etyma will elevate readers to another recognitive level and open up possibilities to anyone who is pursuing the VS study field to decide whether they should twist their career path out of such rugged road, consciously or not, taking risks of being alienated from an unpopular study field.

B) Prelude on the Sinitic etyma

The meaning of prelude is, well, prelude, not of something substance, yet enough for readers to grasp a sense of what to expect next. For academic purposes, this paper is going to deal specifically with those underlined Sinitic elements popping up frequently in V and will make them avalable to the academic world with their respective postulation. Regardless of how discriminatory a well learned V might feel dismayed and become disoriented due to the appearances of multiple layers of C substrates on top of what is left from the native residues, it is intuitively of human second nature, though.

To be on the safe side for the statement above, this discussion, to a lesser extent, actually is neither intended initially to draw a direct line of genetic linguistic affinity between V and C dialects nor any of those of Tibetan languages for that matter. It is only that their similar appearances suggest some "linked kinship", or, metaphorically, "long lost relatives" of at least one ST language. As we draw a straight line or sketch family-tree branches connecting V to the ST linguistic family because their commonalities point to Sinitic roots. For example, with their intimate share in terms of endearment, the implications are not only for semantic conveyance, but also in all other linguistic traits such as tonality and conceptual connotation, say, for the concepts of 'mater, maternal, mother, blood mother, step-mother', or 'mom', the V language has the concepts of 'mẹ', '(cậu)mợ', 'má', 'u', 'nạ', 'mẹruột, 'mẹghẻ', etc. which are in paralellel with '母 mǔ', '(舅)母 (jìu)mǔ', 媽 mà, 姆 mǔ, 娘兒 niár, 母親 mǔqīn, 親母 qīnmǔ, 繼母 jīmǔ', respectively.

The author will approach controversial Sinitic matters as they appear in their native encapsulation and he will pin down on linguistic aspects that secure etyma after their revelation. For example, 抵賴 dǐlài ~> 'đỗlỗi' vs. 賴 lài will give rise as 'tại' (both mean 'to blame someone for something' or 'because of (you)...') [ 賴 lài with SV 'lạl' to mean 'depend on' ]. The whole new approach will crack the formulary of sound change patterns that some authors, nationalist or not, would insist that those cited items are C loanwords -- they so said just to clarify borrowed words do not actually come from the same root and we all totally agree with that, that is, 抵賴 dǐlài ~> 'đỗlỗi' is a C loanword -- however, they make a mistake when postulating that 'đỗ' originates from 倒 dăo (SV 'đảo') that sounds simlar but means 'overturn', and 'lỗi' from 罪 zuì (SV tội) 'crime', while 在 zài is SV 'tại' 'to be at', respectively. If so, the whole supposition is incorrect. Firstly, it is wrong to break the polysyllabic word, i.e., "đỗlỗi", into smaller units as syllabic-words and associate them with erach individual core root, if 'đỗ' and 'lỗi' were V words as they insist.They might not realize that they had contradict themselves. Each lexical entity should be treated in its complete wholeness. That is why readers will see later why "在" (tại) in 在意 zàiyì becomes VS 'đểý' (pay attention).

The author will examine those underscored linguistic traits where the contemporary V speech carries most of the peculiarities that are common in different C dialects. The objective of this section is to acquaint you with similar postulations above as well as to answer some questions on the existence of Sinitic elements in the V language. Readers will understand why and how V and C coloquial expressions in some dialects are interchangeable in the absence of proactive intervention from knowledgeable bodies on peculiar usages of words e.g., 'bànchân' 腳板 jiăobăn (foot), 'ănmày' 要飯 yàofàn (beggar), 'đitiền' 隨錢 suìqián (give the money gift), including those scholarly SV items in coloquial V, such as 'sưtửHàđông' 河東獅子 Hédōngshīzǐ ('a mean wife like a Hadong's lion') or 'máuđàonướclã' 血農於水 xuěnóngyúshuǐ ('kinship is thick like blood vs. water').

As a matter of fact, overall, at first count, more than 420 fundamental lexical items from a variety of ST etymologies as listed by Shafer (1972) have been selected. They are coins for our thoughts (See Sino-Tibetan etyma). What makes them so close and why does nobody seem to notice them in the first place? Even though the cognateness among the V and any of the listed ST etymologies is so obvious to any journeyman in this VS field of historical linguistics, it is needless to say the task of proving the genetic relationship between the two languages is still tantamount, that is awaiting another figure to pick up and refine Shafer's work on such colossal work.

The focal point to be reinforced here is based on preliminary etymological evidences in several ST languages as to be elaborated in the next chapter, either directly or indirectly. While, this paper in a sense is original, it is not a good idea, though, to renew argumentation on a controversial issue of re-classification of the V language into the ST linguistic family, even implicitly, in scholarly terms. For those readers who are sensitive to something C, beware that what they are going to read is about unpopular propositions to postulate new V etyma of C origin that may not suit their taste, such as

as commonly cited in tradional exemplifcation from currently available resource at our disposal from conservative postulations made by several Sinitic oldtimers.

As long as threats of invasion from the north appear to be real, each and every V generation tend to show their latent antagonism against almost any sino-centric interpretation. Collective sentiment simmering at national level could further elevate historical "anti-Siniticism" in majority of the V people, oftentimes hysterical and phenomenal, under the guise of nationalism. Such emotional suppression could erupt into ugly destructive force capable of brainwashing a whole generation of school of thoughts on Sinitic theorization, which could lead to blunt rejection of acceptance of the author's elaborative efforts in addressing those existing C and V etymological issues.

In additon to such unpleasantness, on the other front, it is unavoidable that the old MK conservatives of the western linguistic world will inevitably team up and react in the same manner as seen as new threats against their AA presidio. The author does not want to see his sound approach to new VS etymological study to turn sour due to negativism on C related matters due both political and academic reasons. He hopes that the linguistic world to take solid steps to investigate their affiliation furthermore once some 400 undeniable V words are found to be associated with a wide range of ST etyma as to be presented next in Chapter 10 on Sino-Tibetan etyma.

Until now in the V historical linguistics it has been presented to us with V basic words postulated as of AA MK origin. The whole picture of the core matter from the start in reality is only one repetition that echoes some version of other authors on the well-established AA theory, passed down from one follower to another just like a chained re-post of other re-re-post originated from some source found somewhere on the internet. That is to say, in the end, hits from a search engine on similar queries are simply recurrences which bring in the effect that serious readers would proactively re-adjust their thinking accordingly before they could have a chance to explore the ST theory.

To counter such negativism, should we, proponents of the opposite AA MK camp, retaliate by staging some counter-attack strategy? Yes, the author will start with some mild refreshments first. Metaphorically, our complementary illustration here is like that of the restoration work to retouch those faded spots on an old painting again and again until viewers see what the painting was meant to be.

Presence of VS etyma posted by the author help establish ST stand on the internet is important; his study could become a major source for some new starts to base on. Let's look at common fundamental words again such as

for which the whole new rules reduced from such patterns have never been formulated by any linguists in the field at all. Hence the hidden ones could be exposed in doublets or of different shapes and sounds. As a matter of fact, for previously existing rules of sound changes, there is no such thing called 'absolute' formulary in historical linguistics as readers currently see on other VS etymological works.

So long as we persistently hold on to our own spots in the cyberspce, literally in the very sense of it, every time old and new readers make queries on the VS related subject on the internet, they will have a variety of choices rather than limit themselves with the same old views flooded from the AA camp. We are not playing catching games here but it is truly essential for ST theorists to build hyperlinked indices, started either large or small, one at a time, so that readers could find links electronically to our specific Sinitic theorization. In fact, the author's strategy is to post hundreds of pieces of VS etymology here and there in the cyberspace toward reaching that goal.

Academically, avoiding making exceptions by classifying certain etyma into some specific groups in the ST linguistic family and accepting AA MK basic core as widely reckoned in the linguistic world, the act of steering this research towards that ST predetermined direction undoubtedly would burn the midnight oil. The whole VS project would not necessarily give all satisfactory answers in a well-defined manner significant enough to build a strong case to uproot the belief in the western-initiated AA hypothesis, but we can inherit analytic tools to further complement our cognitive approach on ST to detour from ad hoc measures.

By the norm, based on possible velocity of a new theory to become materialized side by side with contrast viewpoints, it usually takes another cycle of 60 years or so to shift an old consensus hold by believers in the field in order to shift focus to different direction. By then veteran theorists of either school, ST as well as AA, all will have been long dead. It is likely at that point of time the possibility of the renewed ST theory once again could resurrect by newcomers in historical linguistics whose untainted brains might be impartial and less bland. The 60 year mark could resuscitate and nourish the ST theory to escalate with more findings of VS etyma that can help the next generation of ST theorists boost up energy for their hypothesis given the fact that the oppositeAA resources has been depleted, of which quotes appear repetitive and duplicative, anyway, one following after another.

While this revised Sinitic theorization has caught some attention and feedbacks since several daft versions of this paper first appeared on the internet for more than a decade ago, the author is glad that, in his lifetime, both the AA and ST camps have finally acknowleged the presence of his findings as meaningful. His studies are open for further refinement, demystify those puzzling entanglement of genetic affiliation with regard to the theory of some "linked kinship" between C and V etyma on the premise that both of them, like their racial factor, had evolved from the Yue base since its components also had made up a greater part of the C Han majority, originally, which in turn contributed to the V Kinh people.

Description below will further discuss main influential factors that have shaped the course of the development of VN in terms of her people and their speech as sketched in perivious sections. It is a part of stategies that use propaganda as a tool to re-instate what has been proposed to counter the damages having done by the AA camp for all these years. It is not an easy task, though.

VN is a case of breakaway to form a sovereignty from a colony of a feudal sinicized society when old Annam was still a prefecture under the rule of the imperial China going through many dynasties since 111 BC until 939 AD. History of pronounced C immigration to VN due to hunger and destruction of savage wars is that of full integration of C resettlers in VN, a major factor that will help explain the genetic affiliation among people of the two countries and why there exist so many C words in the V language, including some of unsuspected basic items existing also in the Sinitic languages previously grouped in other MK cases that could be of common Yue origin.

All in all, the V language might have evolved from its ancestral form of Yue initially in the form of Taic speeches probably spoken by the Chu subjects (楚民) (see APPENDIX K - 越人歌 'Song of the Yue') (see also Bình Nguyên-Lộc, 1972) that had existed prior to the emergence of Sinitic entities, i.e., Zhou, Qin, Han, etc., that also gave rise to those languages spoken by the Zhuang or Dai minority groups in China South. Its development had been similar to those of Fukienese and Cant. until 939 AD. For the latter two dialects prominent elements of the Han and Tang dynasties, respectively, had virtually replaced nearly all of its ancestral forms native to those of aboriginal Yue speeches once spoken by the Yue people about 3000 years ago. (See Drake, F.S. ed. Symposium on Historical Archaeological and Linguistic Studies on Southern China, South-East Asia and the Hong Kong Region. 1967.) The whole scenario would later repeat with MC, i.e., process of linguistic changes, by northern Mandarin and this form of dialect continued to influence other speeches in the Sino-sphere, including V, but V developed in its own way after independence of the country.

This research, however, is still shy of proposing that V is a Sinitic language, and, yet, could the other way around be a much better designation, perhaps? Loosely it can be probably described as a Sino-Xenic topolect, or, metaphorically, a Sinitic 'graft' language – as opposed to that of an 'adoptive language', a 'hybrid' one (as described by Bloomfield, 1933, of Albanese), or even another creole (cf. French-based speech spoken in New Guinea or Haiti) – that came straight out of the systematic and scholarly transformation from an official C language called Mandarin used in imperial courts throught out the ages. Hypothetically, in the past the V language used to be considered as a language under the ST linguistic family long before the emergence of the 20th-centuried theory of AA MK origin. As a result, thanks to all the late AA theories, novices in V linguistics have an excuse not to discern much about anything od Sinitic lexicons or ST etyma as of what is to be brought here in this research.

The sole apprearance of several basic AA elements have deceived many veterans in the other Sinitic fields. If it were not the case, why do AA forms exist in V? For many of apparently AA MK traces in V, such as those of Munda or MK, it is explicable that ancient aboriginal people migrated to places. If it is to be proved truly such a case, terminologically, like that of the Sinitic term, AA would be another misnomer because those AA remnants existing in the V language that concurrently Sinitic substances suggest something from the north, i.e., the China South region. In other words, all originated from the Yue sources.

Sinitic Vietnamese is all about Sinitic linguistic elements that exist on top of multiple layers of fundamental ancient Yue substrata. You can visualize such phenomenon as a Sinitic 'graft' language in a concrete picture that V itself is a linguistic tree with Sinitic plant tissues, branches, and leaves branching from a trunk grafted onto the root of an aborigine Yue language. Many of you have seen apple trees in nurseries which grow many different kind of apples, haven't you?

As discussed earlier on some related issues with regard to the terminology "Sinitic" that signifies an affiliation having something to do with "Chinese" as we kow it in our time while in fact the core substance of that 'Sinitic' concept had come into existence long before the rise of the unified Qin Empire, in which the root "Qin" gave rise to the term "Sintic". The terminology has unexpectedly enhanced the validity of AA claims that try to discredit anything C. That is, the Sinitic dominance existing in over 99 percent of VS etyma that includes basic words must have existed hundreds of years before the emergence of the Qin (Sinitic) State, so the AA theorists insisted they could not plausibly originate from "Sinitic" linguicitc family befaude "IT" had not existed yet. What do they expect us to call it not by the name "Sinitic" then? In this paper we call it "Sintic-Vietnamese" which cover what made up both the C and V languages, whether or not originally certain etyma were actually from C, for all the Yue elements existing in them and other linguistic factors that became of in either direction.

While characteristics of the SV stock of the V language are more like those of MC (cf. Cant.), for those of the VS portion they are, interestingly, more like that of the northern spoken Mandarin, especially the coloquial part of the official language of the court for more than 1000 years, e.g.,

In a sense Mandarin is a northern C dialect that evolved from the MC which became of shape under heavy influence by languages spoken by the Tartarian people who had conquered and established their rule throughout the period of 1000 years -- the length of time equal to that of the historically colonialized VN under the rule of the C with one third of its size on the political map of the northern part of today's VN's territory -- who later emerged as the northern Han C entitiles as opposed to those of China South -- parallel to the anthropoloty of Northern vs. Southern Vietnamese -- such as that of the Beiwei State (北魏) of the Tartar origin, also known as the Xiongnu (匈奴), during the Period of Southern and Northern Dynasties (南北朝, 420-589, Xu Liting, et al., 1981. p. 167), the Yuan Dynasty by the Mongols of the 13th century, the Jin (金), or Jurchen, in the Northern Song Dynasty (see Bo Yang. 1983-1993. ibid.), and, especially, the Manchurians of the Qing Dynasty that ruled the whole Middle Kingdom in the last 300 years until 1911.

China's history supports the supposition of colloquial Mandarin influence in the V language. Most of the examples cited in this paper are original, in a respect, which could complement other etymological works previously pioneered by veterans such as Sergei Anatolyevich Starostin (, 1998) or Lê Ngọc-Trụ, etc., for their proposed terms of C origin. For example, the author accepts Starostin's posits of VS 'màu' (color) 貌 mào (SV mạo), VS 'khói' 氣 (汽) qì (smoke) for the already known SV 'khí' (air) and VS 'hơi' (vapor), Lê's posits of 役 yì (SV dịch) and 務 wù (SV vụ) for 'việc' (work), and other author's postulations of 'buồn' 煩 (SV phiền) in addition to those etyma such as 悶 mèn (SV muộn) for 'sad', 活 huó (SV hoạt) 'work', etc.

To what extent that you are inclined to believe in the truthfulness of the etymological evidences all depends on your background of historical linguistics and strong belief on the Sinitic theorization as discussed in this paper. Except for those who have a grasp in many disciplines related to the subject matter, there is in reality not many people who truly comprehend or appreciate those postulated cognates for the reason that people tend to believe in what they have already believed to start with. Some even will never understand many self-evident and self-proofed etyma which are so obvious and simple such as 早 zăo for 'chào' (hello), 腚 dìng and 臀 diàn for VS 'đít' (buttocks), that is, one more on top of other words including 屁 pì (SV tí 'hip') for the same concept still in use with extended meaning like "屁股" (VS 'phaocâu' or 'chicken butt as a local delicacy'). In this case, specifically, we may need to treat them as doublets to explain the sound change patterns /-ng/, /-n/ ~ /-t/ and /p-/ ~ /d-/, etc.

Whether all the postulations are plausible or not, old past etymological findings of C origin as cited above will still hold their merits. For those newly-found etyma cited in this research, the author will bring them to life with enumeration on their etymology, i.e., elaboration in detail of how sound change patterns could happen on both common and specific cases of cited etyma. The linguistically rescontructed work in scholarly depth could be done in the same manner as that of the work to restore subtle details from an old painting counterpart on the fading spots. That is how we approach those etyma postulated in this paper. It is assumed that readers are already familiar with sound change patterns as similar to those patterns of C /j-/ ~ V /g-/ and /zh-/ ~ /gi-/ as in 雞 jī ~ 'gà' (chicken) or 紙 zhǐ ~ 'giấy' (paper), respectively, which could be omitted and they should kept to the minimum for simplicity. (see APPENDIX B - Sound change patterns)

You will see more discussions on the author's new etymological approaches that enable him to find more camouflaged VS etyma throughout this paper because missing links in V and C affiliation from "linked kinship" to mark-ups over with cultural relationship based on actual historical facts as a result of more than 1000 year domination of the Han Chinese in the ancient Vietnam.

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(K)Kelley, Liam C. (2012). The Biography of the Hồng Bàng Clan as a Medieval Vietnamese Invented Tradition". Journal of Vietnamese Studies, Vol. 7, No. 2: 87-122, published by: University of California Press.

ABSTRACT: This paper critically examines an account called the “Biography of the Hồng Bàng Clan” in a fifteenth-century text, the Arrayed Tales of Selected Oddities from South of the Passes [LĩnhNam chíchquái liệttruyện]. This account is the source for the “historical” information about the Hùng kings. Scholars have long argued that this information was transmitted orally from the first millennium BCE until it was finally written down at some point after Vietnam became autonomous in the tenth century. In contrast, this paper argues that this information about the Hùng kings was created after Vietnam became autonomous and constitutes an invented tradition.”

(W)Journeymen in the field will understand why the ST hypothesis of linguistic wave-theory is being shunned by the hard-cored V nationalists, let alone the traditional family-tree one (Bloomfield, 1933. pp. 317, 18).

(董)Thánh Gióng, also known as Phù Đổng Thiên Vương (扶董天王), Ông Dóng and Xung Thiên Thần Vương (冲天神王)


(X)Only the first Mon-Khmer numbers 1 to 5 are plausibly cognate, namely, "muəj" ,"piː (pɨl)", "ɓəj", "ɓuən", "pram", in oppisition to the 10-based numerical system in V of which only the first 5 numbers corespond to "một", "hai", "ba", "bốn", "năm", respectively.

As a matter of fact, the V speakers are at ease with C origin numbers in common usage and expressions such as "hạngnhất" (一等), "thứnhì" (第二), "bấtquátam" (不過三), "tứquái" (四怪), "mâmngũquả" (五果盤), "ănchia tứlục" (分利四六), "thấttuần" (七旬), "bátquái" (八卦), "bảngcửuchương" (九章版), "chục quảtrứng" (十個蛋), "mộttá" (一打), "nhịthậptứ hiếu" (二十四孝), "báchnhiên" (百年), "thiênthu" (千秋), "ngànvàng" (千金) "vạntuế" (萬歲), "muônthuở" (萬世), "tỷphú" (億富), etc. The C numerical expressions in V are imnumerable, so to speak.

(A)An Dương Vương is the title of Thục Phán, who ruled over the kingdom of Âulạc (now Vietnam) from 257 to 207 BC. The leader of the ÂuViệt tribes defeated and seized the throne from the last Hùng King of the State of Vănlang, and united its people, known as the LạcViệt, with the ÂuViệt. In 208 BC, the Capital Cổ Loa was attacked and the imperial citadel ransacked. An Dương Vương fled and committed suicide.


(I)Namquốc sơnhà (Territory of the Southern Nation) written in 1077 by Lý Thường Kiệt and recited next to the defense line of the Nhưnguyệt River (Cầu River), originally for raising the spirit of the soldiers to fight against C invaders and BìnhNgô đạicáo (Great Proclamation upon the Pacification of the Wu) by Nguyễn Trãi to speak in the name of Bìnhđịnhvương Lê Lợi in the Đinhmùi year (1427), announcing the pacification of the C Ming invading troops, regaining the national independence, establishing the Later Lê Dynasty.

(V) 1) Dương Đình (Diên) Nghệ 楊廷藝 or 楊延藝 (931-937)
2) Kiều Công Tiễn 矯公羨 or 皎公羨 (937-938)
3) Ngô Vương reign: 939–944
4) Dương Tam Kha reign: 944–950
5) Hậu Ngô Vương: Nam Tấn Vương & Thiên Sách Vương co-reign: 950–954
6) Thiên Sách Vương reign: 954–965
7) Ngô Sứquân (吳使君),reign: 965–968
8) "The Anarchy of the 12 Warlords" or "Thập Nhị Sứquân Rebellion" (966–968)


(M)The Mongol invasions of Vietnam or Mongol-Vietnamese War refer to the three times that the Mongol Empire and its chief khanate the Yuan dynasty invaded Đại Việt (now northern Vietnam) during the Tran Dynasty and the Kingdom of Champa: in 1257–1258, 1284–1285, and 1287–1288. (Source:

(英) That is metaphorically comparable to elaborating on China's Simplified C vs. Traditonal C, along with Pinyin vs. Zhuyin transcribing systems being in use in Hong Kong or Taiwan or, analogously, cf. 面 miàn (face, noodle, wheat) for 麵 miàn (noodle, wheat) vs. VS 'mặt' (SV 'diện') and 'mì' (SV 'miến'), respectively, so to speak.

(Y)"It is so said, their ancestors were descendants (of...)", because, relatively speaking, the forefathers of a nation who had lived in a place hundreds of years ago were not necessarily the ancestors on a direct biological line that gave birth to the people who are living there now. In that specific Cant. case cited above, we have to take into consideration the fact that for the last 2000 years, there have been changes and displacements in the original populace, such as immigrants vs emigrants and locals vs. resettlers, Han-Tang subjects vs. Han-Yue subjects, etc. Of a great number of migrants in and out of the historical Canton's region, many were not of the Yue ancestry anyway, even in the way they called their own "Yueht8wa2", instead of "shwjeng5Jwet8" (the Yue language) or "tiếngViệt" (the V language).

Similarly, in the case of VN which shares the same historical background, a much larger percentage of today's V populace is not direct descendants of native inhabitants who helped "18 kings Hungvuong" build the Vanlang (ancient Vietnam) nation; it is no matter whoever they were, originally of the Yue or MK racial stock, the V Kinh people who are living in the spot where VN is located now might not necessarily be direct descendants of those forefathers who built the nation more than 2000 years ago.

(交)XYZ racial formulary revisited: Symbolistically the proportion of ethnic mixture could be formulated. Let's assign some symbolistic weights to the racial compositon of the Viets by using properties of {4Y6Z8HCMK} loodely based on historical records such as census data of population increasing from 400,000 to 980,000 people — Annamese {2Y3Z4H} — in 3 prefectures under the Han's jurisdiction, that is, Jiaozhi 交趾 (Giaochỉ), Jiuzhen 九真 (Cửuchân), and Rinan 日南 (Nhậtnam) during 100 year period from 111 BC to 11 BC. Historical records show that in Qin Dynasty, NamViet's 15,000 to 30,000 unmarried women were forced to marry with Qin foot solders (Lu Shih-Peng, 1964, Eng. p. 11, Chin. p. 47). Note that China has a long history of household tightly-controlled system that their census was likely highly accurate.

The racial make-up of ancient Annam's populace was much like that of Han-Chinese, that is, a process during which the early proto-Chinese (X) intermingled with the proto-Yue aboriginals (YY) — on the proportional scale of 2 to 1 for what represented in the China South region — to become parts of ancient Yue indigenous populace represented by (ZZZ) in those ancient states of Wu, Yue, Chu, etc., who were later to be called the Han, symbolized as (HHHH) — that is, 3 times Z, 4 times H, repectively — in a unified Middle Kingdom of the Han Dynasty, a product of the United States of QIn (China), analogously.

Composition of the later Han-Chinese could be described as {X2Y3Z4H}, that as a result of racial mixture of (X)(YY)(ZZZ)(HHHH). In the meanwhile racial components of the Viets were made of the proto-Yue (YY) and later Yue (ZZZ) to become the proto-Vietic Viets (YYZZZ), ancestors of the Vietic, or early Annamese {2Y3Z4H}, who would later become Vietnamese {4Y6Z8H+CMK} of the modern VN where C is for Cham and MK Mon-Khmer, a componental double of {2Y3Z4H} plus (CK) taking place with a series of similar events that had brought about the same composition of the Fukienese or Cantonese populace in the China's setting, that is, they had the same racial transmutation as that of the Vietic mixture during the same period of Han Dynasty. If it was so, then symbolistic formula for AA could be assigned as {6YCMK} as opposed to that of the V components of {4Y6Z8HCMK} (See Chapter 2: B) Rainwash on the Austroasiatic Western front).

(一)In the C language, there is an idiom that reads "一將攻城萬骨枯" yī jiàng gōngchéng wàn gǔ kū ('nhất tướng côngthành vạn cốt khô') is to convey such dreadful fact, that is, thousands of innocent residents living inside the quarters of a citadel could easily have lost under the hands of winning troops in the fighting. That is the customary norm of C culture, so to speak. As we can see now, the population of the farway and southernmost Annam prefecture could have already reached over a tenth of the 17 million of the Tang population by then.

(E)The whole picture is even easier to see by comparing the growth of the population with approximately more than 50,000 'Eurasian Vietnamese' who were fathered by those American soldiers who had been sent across around half of the globe on their two-year mission to the country in South VN to fight in the VN's War within the short 10 year period from 1965 to 1975 out of the South Vietnam's population of about 22 million by that time.

Just imagine how California of the US would be like 2 thousand years later if it were to become an independent country 1000 years from now?

(S)Fanqie is traditional method of indicating the pronunciation of a Chinese character by using two other Chinese characters, the first having the same consonant as the given character and the second having the final and tone. (Handian: 古漢語注音方法, 用兩個字注讀另一個字, 例如 '塑,桑故切(或桑故反)'。被切字的聲母跟反切上字相同 ( '塑' 字聲母跟 '桑' 字聲母相同, 都是 s ),被切字的韻母和字調跟反切下字相同 ('塑' 字的韻母的字調跟 '故' 相同, 都是 u 韻母, 都是去聲。Source: 汉典

(文)A good examples is from "Bình Ngô Đạicáo Tânthời" written in classical language with a modern context by the author. It is a cynical version of the 'Vietnamese proclamation of independence from China' in 1428, VN's Le Dynasty. You may want to read the full version of it in APPENDIX L or do a Google search to see how "nationalism" and "politics" can obscure some good judgment:

"凭吾丑告: 女丑讨华, 占有千秋, 婆权成性, 历载叶千, 巨大无双, 蝴蝶婆脷, 汉和岭蛮, 缩头乌龟, 中擦外伤, 坏而恋战, 南越百族, 湖广七雒, 独吾健在, 雄居南方, 旗花移到, 吾邦挚友, 好客有方, 来者良家, 流氓勿忘, 白藤江待, 南杀西杀, 旗中无敌, 维我独尊, 骑越虎也, 上之毋下, 入生出死, 大鱼气小, 急吃豆腐, 九死一生, 贪食疾身, 女等欺人, 甚不可忍, 君子报仇, 十年不晚, 咱走着瞧, 霸权破脷, 惹火焚身, 九泉归依!"

(Trâu Ơi Bố Bảo: Trâu số đạo hoa, ngàn lẻ thu qua, hay thói quyền bà, sửxanh ghichép, cụ đại vôsong, baybướm lưỡibò, hánhởmulạnh, đầurùa lấpló, trong sứt ngoài thoa, lâm chiến bại hoài. HồQuảng dù mất, NamViệt vẫncòn, Hùng cứ phươngnam, kỳhoa dịthảo, hữuhảo chi bang, chuộngchìu hiếukhách, nhàlành kếtmối, lưumanh chớhòng, Bạchđằng BểĐông, Trườngsa Hoàngsa, duyngãđộctôn, kỳ trung vô địch, cởi cọp Việtnam, lênvoixuốngchó, vàosinhratử, ỷlớnhiếpbé, nuốtxương mắccổ, dỡsốngdỡchết, thamthựccựcthân, lũbay bốláo, đắcchí tiểunhân, nhịn cũng vừa thôi, quântử ratay, bàihọc ngànnăm, tổcha tụibay, báquyền bảláp, rướchoạvàothân, ngậmngùi chínsuối!)

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ā ē ě ī ǐ ă ō ǒ ū ǔ ǖ ǘ ǚ ǜ ü û ɔ ɑ ɪ ɛ ɤ ə¯ ɨ ŋ ɯ ɪ ʔ ʃ ö ä ü ɐ ɒ æ χ ɓ ɗ ɖ ɱ ʿ ʾ θ ñ ŕ ţ ť tś ı ć ¢ ď Ā ź dź ƫ ć ń ç ď ş ŗ ż ſ ņ ʷ ɲ ʈ ɫ ɬ ʈ ƫ ʐ ɣ Ś ¯¯ ¯ ˉ